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bSxH Congress, ) 

SENATE. 


3 Document 

3d Session. f 

1 _ 

» 


( No. 102. 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


5 2j' 

7 


! - ^ - . 

January 17, 1905.—Keferred to the Committee on Foreign Relations and ordered to 

be printed. 


Mr. Morgan presented the following 

y 

MEMORIAL FROM THE CONFERENCE OF MISSIONARY SOCIETIES 
AND THE LOCAL COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE OF THE KONGO 
REFORM ASSOCIATION RELATIVE TO THE CONDITIONS IN THE 
KONGO STATE. 

AVashington, D. C., 

Monday^ January 16^ 1905. 

jVfY Dear Sir: Since the presentation to the Senate of the memorial 
of the conference representing American organizations conducting 
missionary and philanthropic work in the Independent State of the 
Kongo, on the 19th day of April, 1904, additional information has been 
received in relation to the conditions affecting the well-being of the 
people of that State. By request of representatives of that conference 
1 send to 3 ^ou the inclosed papers (‘‘A”), in which this information is 
in part presented. The facts referred to in these papers are supple¬ 
mentary to and in support of the memorial, and are stated upon the 
authority of men whom the conference believes to be thoroughl}^ 
informed and worthy of confidence. They relate to events of recent 
occurrence in the Kongo State, for the most part subsequent to those 
referred to in the memorial. 

I send also certain papers put in my hands for transmission to you 
b}^ the Kongo Reform Association. This association, having a con¬ 
stituency throughout the country, has its headquarters and a local 
committee of conference in Boston, Mass. It has also a general com¬ 
mittee of 150 gentlemen, representing all sections of the country. 

The inclosed paper B”), bearing the imprint of the Kongo Reform 
Association, is signed by the president and secretar}^ of the conference 
of societies presenting the original memorial. It presents a brief, 
formulating the views of that conference with respect to existing con¬ 
ditions in the Independent State of the Kongo, the rights of its people 
under the laws of nations and under treaties entered into by that 
State, and a statement of the grounds upon which the conference 
believes it to be the duty of the United States to promote an investiga¬ 
tion of the existing conditions. This brief is accompanied by support¬ 
ing citations from State papers and other sources. It is asked that 
vou will present this paper to the Senate, with the request that it shall 
be referred to the appropriate committee. 

The other papers which I herewith transmit are two independent 
memorials, one of which is signed by citizens of many sections of the 


) ' ) 

) ) 


> ) 

) ' 




) ) > 


) • ) 









2 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


United States; the other, a committee of 9, representing' citizens of 
the United States residing in New York Cit 3 ^ These memorials I am 
asked to send you, with the request that jmu will submit them to the 
Senate. 

I have the honor to request that you will present these several 
papers to the Senate of the United States, and request such action 
thereon as that honorable body may consider just and proper. 

With great respect, 

Thomas S. Barbour, 

For the Conference of Missionary Societies and tlic Local 
Committee of Conference of the IConejo Reform Association, 


Senator eJoHN T. Morgan, 

Mashmgton^ D. C. 




To the honorable the memhers of the Senate: \ - 

The undersigned respectfully and earnesth^ beg \’our attention to 
the currently reported condition of affairs in the Independent State-of 
the Kongo (of which Leopold II is King-Sovereign) with reference to 
the invasion of the rights of the natives and the disregard of their 
general welfare. 

We have carefully considered the numerous allegations of atrocities 
committed b}^ the agents of Leopold, especiall\' in the region of the 
Upper Kongo, against both the persons and possessions of the natives. 
Those allegations affirm systematic violence, even to the extent of 
lawless oppression, virtual enslavement, horrible mutilations, manifold 
murders, and the wanton destruction of peaceful villages. 

So far as has been practicable for us, we have examined the evi¬ 
dential value of these allegations. We find that the affirmants are 
many, apparently disinterested and trustworthy, and that they make 
their affirmations as having been e 3 ewitnesses of the cruelties nar¬ 
rated. From both official and private sources comes a great mass of 
agreeing testimony. (We do not cite it here, for the reason that it 
has, b 3 ^ other petitioners, been laid alread 3 ^ before 3 mur honorable 
bod 3 N) For ourselves, we can not resist the conviction that great 
wrongs hav^e been committed, and are still committed, against the 
Kongo natives 113 " those who are responsible to Leopold as King- 
Sovereign. 

The general act of the Berlin conference of 1881-85, declares, in 
articled: " ‘ = v... 


All the powers exercising sovereign rights or influence in the aforesaid territories 
bind themselves to watch over the preservation of the native tribes, and to care for 
the improvement of the conditions of their moral and material well-being, and to 
help in abolishing slavery and the slave-trade.- --Th-e-}^ shall, without distinction of 
creed or nation, protect and favor all religious, scientific, or charitable institutions 
and enterprises created and organized for the above ends, or designed to instruct the 
natives and to bring home to them the blessings of civilization. 

Similarl 3 b article 36 sa 3 ^s: 

The signatory powers of the present general act reserve to themselves the right 
to introduce into it subsequently, and by common consent, such modifications and 
improvements as experience may show to be expedient,.^/ 


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1905 


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CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


3 


To these, as to all the other articles included in the Berlin general 
act, the Independent State of the Kongo, on the 26th of February, 
1885, while the Berlin conference wtis still in session, gave its full, 
unqualified adhesion; and by them it is fully bound. 

^yhatever may l)e the legal relation of the United States to the obli¬ 
gations actually assumed at I^erlin by the signatory powers, your 
petitioners eagerly recall their Government's repeatedly expressed 
sympathy with the purposes and plans of the conference. AVrote 
Secretary of State Bayard to Mr. von Alvensleben, minister of Ger¬ 
man}" at Washington, under date of April 16, 1886; 


The United States desire that their attitude toward the general act should be 
understood by all the powers actually signatories and adherents to be not less 
benevolent than that of any other power not a signatory but having the option of 
adhesion. 


AVe therefore confidently trust that, with reference to tlie alleged 
atrocities in the Independent State of the Kongo, your honorable 
body will take such action as best befits that benevolent attitude. In 
this connection we feel privileged to quote the recent words of the 
President of the United States, to wit: 


Ordinarily it is very much wiser and more useful for us to concern ourselves with 
striving for our own moral and material betterment here at home than to concern 
ourselves with trying to better the condition of things in other nations. * * * 
Nevertheless, there are occasional crimes committed on so vast a scale and of such 
peculiar horror as to make us doubt whether it is not our manifest duty to endeavor, 
at least, to show our disapproval of the deed and our sympathy with those who have 
suffered by it. 

We humblv venture to think that the existing condition of affairs in 
the Kongo State presents such an issue. 

If, furthermore, we might be permitted to suggest a line of action, 
we w'ould propose the appointment, by the powders qualified to take 
the step, of a commission of inquiry w hich should make impartial and 
thorough investigation of the alleged misrule in the Independent State 
of the Kongo and of the entire situation there with reference to the 
welfare of the natives, said commission to report to the authorizing 
powers. 

It is memorable that the Berlin general act itself provided for an 
international commission which should be charged w"ith the duty of 
seeing that the requirements of the act were fulfilled. Ow-ing, how¬ 
ever, to such circumstances as the full adhesion to the act by the 
Kongo State itself, and the universally sanctioned assumption of 
sovereignty over the Kongo State by Leopold II, the commission 
was never appointed. Should a special commission be now" appointed, 
the appointment w"ould but follow", within narrower lines, the original 
plan of the Berlin general act, and would also accord w"ith the views 
expressed in Article IX of the Hague convention, with reference to 
international commissions of inquiry. Such an investigating com¬ 
mission would appear to be the natural and needful condition prece¬ 
dent for the doing of justice to the Government of the Kongo State 
on the one hand-and to the helpless natives on the other hand. 

Your undersigned petitioners respectfully leav"e this memorial in 
your hands, confident that your honorable body will, so far as is prac¬ 
ticable, take action in the name of humanity and in the spirit of that 


4 CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 

good will which happily exists between our own and all other nations; 
and, as in duty bound, we will ever pray. 

With great respect, we remain, your obedient servants, 

Leander Chamberlain, 

Lyman 4bbott, 

William Hayes Ward, 

Henry L. Morehouse, 

Robert C. Ogden, ' ^ 

* Darwin R. James, 

A. B. Leonard, 

Robert E. Speer, 

Andrew W. Warden, 
Committee of New York Citizens, 

Ne'w York, January 7, 1905. 


To the Congress of the United States of America: , 

The undersigned petitioners would respectful and earnestl}" ask 
your attention to current reports alleging grave abuses in the adminis¬ 
tration of the Independent State of the Kongo. 

We recall the fact that the circumstances connected with the crea¬ 
tion and recognition of this State—unique in the annals of the begin¬ 
nings of states—excited a peculiar interest on the part of the American 
people and of our National Government. When an illustrious citizen 
of our countiy had found a pathway through unexplored territories of 
central Africa, an earnest solicitude was awakened in our nation that 
the vast region thus suddenly opened to the world should be saved 
from the strifes of international'rivalry and should be so adminis- 
tered as to promote the well-being of the peoples now introduced to 
their fellow-races. We recall the welcome accorded the International 
Association of the Kongo as, in the name of Almighty God, it recorded 
its pledge to seek the realization of the highest ideals of a liberal gov¬ 
ernment by concern for the well-being of the aboriginal inhabitants of 
the territories of the Kongo basin, and by an honorable regard for the 
commercial rights and interests of all peoples. 

We confess to a deep disappointment and distress in view of the 
character of the reports now widely disseminated concerning the results 
of the enterprise entered upon with so happy anticipation. The story 
presented in these reports is scarcely surpassed in the records of the 
world’s history in its suggestion of deeds of injustice and inhumanity. 
It is alleged that, in the exploitation by the State of the natural wealth 
of the country, the people, particularly in the territories of the Upper 
Kongo, are subjected to atrocious wrongs, involving forced and exces¬ 
sive labors, arbitrary imprisonment, brutal scourging, unnatural muti¬ 
lations, massacres, and tlie rapid depopulation of large sections of the 
country. A speaker in the Belgian House of Deputies was but true to 
these reports in characterizing the administration of the Kongo State as 
‘‘an enormous and continual butchery.” The reports, it appears, repre¬ 
sent the testimony of many witnesses whom it is difficult to regard as 
other than disinterested and trustworthy, and covering a period of ten 
or twelve years extend to the present time. It seems to us so evident as 
to leave no room for contra-argument that reports of such a nature 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


5 


should be investigated by a tribunal so constituted that its judgment 
shall be received with confidence by all fair-minded persons, to the 
end that if the accusations are unfounded the ruler of the Kongo State 
may be relieved from unjust aspersion, and, if unhappily the}^ are 
found true to facts, a hapless people mav be delivered from a condi¬ 
tion of appalling wretchedness. 

To one other point we would respectfully ask your attention. In 
our judgment it can not be overlooked that the seriousness of the issue 
to which these reports appertain is intensified by the apparently 
direct relation of the alleged wrongs to the system controlling the 
administration of the State. It is an admitted fact that sovereignt}^ 
is interpreted by the King in terms of ownership, and that vast terri¬ 
tories, representing almost the entire domain, are claimed by him as a 
private possession. This polic}^, obviously antagonistic to commercial 
interests of other nations, as obviously is fatal to the well-being of the 
people whom it reduces to the status of serfs. The government, 
dependent upon the natives for collection of the natural products of 
the country, having denied to them normal motives for labor, finds no 
alternative but emplo 3 uiient of force for the accomplishment of its 
ends. As a matter of fact, it appears that this force is applied 
through the agenc\" of a native soldierv of savage propensities. It 
woidd seem that this admitted s^^stem of administration goes far 
toward accrediting reports of inhumanities. Such a S 3 ’stem, it would 
appear, constituting in itself the elimination of trade, is certain to 
result in a virtual enslavement of the native people. In the Belgian 
Parliament it was said again: 

The population of the Kongo State is organized into vast droves of slaves. 

We believe that the position is so obvious as to require no support¬ 
ing argument, that the legality of this svstem, confessedh" controlling 
administration in the Kongo State, should be adjudged 1)3^ a competent 
tribunal in order that the world’s rights in trade nia 3 " be safeguarded, 
and that, if relief be possible, the peoples under the jurisdiction of the 
State ma 3 " be delivered from a position of confirmed and hopeless 
serfdom. 

Recalling the interest taken b 3 ' our National Government in the 
avowed rhission of the Kongo State, and the close relations it has sus¬ 
tained to that State at critical periods in its earlier histoiy, realizing 
the unique character of the enterprise represented in the Kongo 
administration as related to international interests and aims, and recog¬ 
nizing the right of all States to give expression in legitimate ways to 
just and humane sentiments, we confident^ rely upon your interest 
in the issue for which our concern is awakened. 

Understanding that the facts to which we have thus briefly 
adverted have been more fully recited by other petitioners, and that 
testimony in support of the request made by them has been submitted 
to your honorable bodies, we respectfull 3 ’ ask that you will grant to 
their representations 3 ’oui* earnest attention, and that you will take 
such action as you believe fitting for the promotion of an impartial 
investigation of conditions in the Kongo State and an authoritative 
adjudication of the issues to which these conditions are related, with 
a view to the furthering of the ends of justice and humanity, and the 
reinstatement of the enterprise represented in the international origi- 


6 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


nation of* the Kongo State, if that State shall be found to have fallen 
from the high purposes to the fulfillment of which b}" a solemn investi¬ 
ture it was appointed. 

Respectfully submitted. 


Wm. A. Munroe. 

(t. Stanley Hall. 

A1 ex’r MackaV- Smith. 
Bennett H. Young. 

E. Benj. Andrews. 
Washington Gladden. 

A. B. CuiTT. 

Victor F. Lawson, 
fl. C. Hartzell. 

Samuel B. Capen. 

John F. Cannon. 

Elmer H. Capen. 

James K. Day. 

Charles F. Dole. 

James H. Ecob. 

Wm. E. Huntington. 

Floyd AV. Tomkins. 

Henry Spellmeyer. 

Frederick Starr. 

James VI. Taylor. 

Reuen Thomas. 

S. T. Willis. 

Henry H. Proctor. 

Amos R. Wells. 

Nathan E. Wood. 

Clinton Rogers AVoodrufi'. 
W. A. Leonard. 

George E. Meri-ill. 
Augustus H. Strong. 

S. AV. Woodward. 
Frederick B. Allen. 

Chas. Gordon Ames. 
AA'illiam F. Anderson. 

T. S. McPheeters. 

AV. N. VlcVickar. 

PTlwin D. Vlead. 

William AV. Mills. 

AAC W. Vloore. 

William Ashmore. 

Geo. AV. Baile}". 

Richard AA^. Boynton. 
Frederick Burgess. 

Robert K. Speer. 

Everett D. Burr. 

Henrv VI. King. 

AVm.'AV. Keen. 

Robert J. Kellogg. 

Wm. F. King. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 


AVilliam F. McDowell. 

AV. A. VlacCorkle. 

Edward H. Clement. 

Edward Cahill. 
fFohn AV. Foster. 

P. J. Rice. 

A. J. Rowland. 

Francis H. Rowley. 

Franklin P. Shumway. 
Alexander VIcKenzie. 

H. N. VIcKinney. 

A. VIcLean. 

S. VI. Neel. 

Robert E. Park. 

Robt. Treat Paine. 

H. St. George Tucker. 

Kerr Boyce Tupper. 

Henry AV. Warren. 

Booker T. AAAshington. 
Vlyron AA^. Haynes. 

Edwin H. Hughes. 

D. W. C. Huntington. 
Henry C. Leach. 

Henry C. Vlabie. 

L. H. Dorchester. 

AA"m. Charming Gannett. 
Henry Hopkins. 

Arthur S. flohnson. 
Chauncey B. Brewster. 
Francis E. Clark. 

AATn. A. AA^ilbur. 

Herbert S. Johnson. 

Tennis S. Hamlin. 

Paul S. Reinsch. 

Henry B. Restarick. 

AA^m. T. Hardie. 

George Hands. 

Edward VI. Hartwell. 

Samuel H. Greene. 

Arthur C. A. Hall. 

Geo. H. Ferris. 

B. D. Hahn. 

Thomas S. Barbour. 

Samuel Lvnch Beiler. 

F. T. Gates. 

Chas. Richmond Henderson. 
Percy Stickne}" Grant. 

E. Y. Vlullins. 

AA^illiam H. Lincoln. 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


7 


S. H. Chester. 

Cyrus D. Foss. 
Charles L. White. 
Edwin M. Poteat. 
Fred’k D. Power. 
Elwyn G. Preston. 
Harold Pattison. 
Allan E. Philbutt. 
Albert H. Plumb. 

D. A. Goodsell. 

W. H. P. Faunce. 
Georo'e C. Whitney. 

January 10, 1905. 


A. C. Hopkins. 
Arthur T. Pierson. 

E. M. Thresher. 
Robert L. O’Brien. 
T. H. Rice. 

J. R. Howerton. 
James B. Gregg. 

W. Heniy Grant. 

W. M. Anderson. 
David Starr Jordan. 
Edward G. Andrews. 
John Wanamaker. 


ADDRESSES OF PETITIONERS. 


William A. Mimroe, Cambridge, Mass., president American Baptist 
Missionary Union. 

President G. Stanley Hall, Clark University, Massachusetts. 

Rt. Rev. Alexander ]Mackay-Smith, Philadelphia. 

Bennett H. Young, Louisville, Ky. 

President E. Benj. Andrews, University of Nebraska. 

Bishop William F. McDowell, Chicago. 

W. A. MacCorkle, Charleston, W. Va. 

Edward H. Clement, Boston Transcript. 

Edward Cahill, Lansing, Mich. 

John W. Foster, Washington, D. C. 

Washington Gladden, ^D. D., Columbus, Ohio, pref?ident National 
Council Congregational Churches. 

A. B. Curry, 1). D., Memphis, Tenn. 

Victor F. Lawson, Chicago News. 

Bishop J. C. Hartzell, Madeira Islands. 

Samuel B. Capen, Boston, president American Board Commissioners 
of Foreign Missions. 

J. F. Cannon, D. D., St. Louis. 

President Elmer H. Capen, Tufts College, Massachusetts. 

Chancellor James R. Day, Syracuse University, New York. 

Rev. Charles F. Dole, Bostoij. 

James H. Ecob, D. D., Philadelphia. 

President William E. Huntington, Boston University. 

FloA^d W. Tomkins, D. 1)., Philadelphia. 

Bishop Henry Spellmeyer, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Frederick Starr, University of Chicago. 

President James M. Taylor, Vassal* College, New York. 

Reuen Thomas, D. D., Brookline, Mass. 

Rev. S. T. Willis, New York. 

Henr}^ H. Proctor, Boston. 

Amos R. Wells, Boston. 

President Nathan E. Wood, Newton Theological Institution, Massa¬ 
chusetts. 

Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Philadelphia. 

Rt. Rev. W. A. Leonard, Cleveland, Ohio. 

President George E. Merrill, Colgate University, New York. 


8 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONOO STATE. 


President Augustus H. Strong, Theological Seminary, Rochester. 

S. W. Woodward, Washington, D. C. 

Rev. Frederick B. Allen, Boston. 

Charles G. Ames, D. D., Boston. 

Rev. William F. Anderson, New York City. 

T. S. McPheeters, St. Louis.- 

Rt. Rev. William N. McVickar, Providence, R. I. 

Edwin D. Mead, Boston. 

William W. Mills, Marietta, Ohio. 

W. W. Moore, D. D., Richmond, Va. 

William Ashmore, D. D., Wollaston, Mass. 

George W. Baile}^, M. D., Philadelphia. 

Rev. P. J. Rice, South Bend, Ind. 

A. J. Rowland, D. D., Philadelphia. 

Francis H. Rowle}^ D. D., Boston. 

Franklin P. Shumway, Melrose, Mass. 

Alexander McKenzie, D. D., Cambridge, Mass. 

H. N. McKinney, Philadelphia. . 

A. McLean, D.i) ., Cincinnati. 

S. M. Neel, D. D., Kansas City, Moderator of General Assembly of 
the Presbyterian Church of United States. 

Robert E. Park, Ph. D., Boston. 

Robert Treat Paine, Boston. 

H. St.-George Tucker, Lexington, Va. 

Kerr Boyce Tupper, D. D., Philadelphia. 

Bishop Henry W. Warren, University Park, Colo. 

^'^ooker T. Washington, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 

Myron W. Ha 3 mes, D. D., Chicago. 

President Edwin H. Hughes, De Pauw University, Greencastle, Ind. 
Chancellor D. W. C. Huntington, Wesleyan University, Nebraska. 
Henry C. Leach, Salem, Mass. 

Henry C. Mabie, D. D., Boston. 

L. H. Dorchester, D. D., St. Louis, Mo. 

Rev. William C. Gannett, Rochester, N. Y. 

President Heniy Hopkins, Williams College, Massachusetts. 

Arthur S. Johnson, president Y. M. C. A., Boston. 

Right Rev. Chauncey B. Brewster, Hartford, Conn. 

Francis E. Clark, D. D., Boston, Mass. 

William A. Wilbur, George Washington Universit}^, Washington, D. C. 
Rev. Herbert S. Johnson, Boston. 

Teunis S. Hamlin, D. D., Washington, D. C. 

Paul S. Reinsch, Ph. D., University of Wisconsin. 

Right Rev. Henry B. Restarick, Honolulu. 

W. T. Hardie, New Orleans, La. 

President George Harris, Amherst College. 

Edward M. Hartwell, M. D., Boston. 

Samuel H. Greene, D. D., Washington, D. C. 

Right Rev. Arthur C. A. Hall, Bishop of Vermont. 

Rev. Richard W. Boynton, St. Paul, Minn. 

Rt. Rev. Frederick Burgess, Long Island. 

Robert E. Speer, Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, New York. 
Everett D. Burr, D. D., Newton Center, Mass. 

Henry M. King, D. D., Providence, R. I. 

Willimn W. Keen, M. D., Philadelphia. 




CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


9 


Robert J. Kellog’g, James Milliken University, Illinois, 
m. F. King, Cornell College, Iowa. 

^ Alexander F. Chamberlain, Clark University, Massachusetts. 

8. II. Chester, D. D., Nashville, Tenn. 

Bishop Cyrus D. Foss, Philadelphia. 

Presic ent Charles L. White, Colby College, Waterville, Me. 
President Edwin M. Poteat, Furman University, Greenville, S. C. 
Rev. F. D. Power, D. D., Washington, D. C. 

Elwyn G. Preston, secretary chamber of commerce, Boston. 

Rev. Harold Pattison, Hartford, Conn. 

Rev. A. B. Philputt, Indianapolis. 

Albert H. Plumb, D. D., Roxbury, Mass. 

Bishop Daniel A. Goodsell, Brookline, Mass. 

President W. H. P. Faunce, Brown University, Rhode Island. 

George C. VV'hitney, Worcester, Mass. 

Rev. George H. Ferris, New Haven, Conn. 

B. D. Hahn, I). D., Springfield, Mass. 

Thomas S. Barbour, D. D., Boston. 

Rev. Samuel Lynch Beiler, Ph. D., Buffalo, N. Y. 

F. T. Gates, New York. 

Charles R. Henderson, D. D., University of Chicago. 

Rev. Percy S. Grant, New York. 

President U. Y. Mullins, Southern Baptist Theological Seminaiy, Ken 
tuck^^ 

MTlliam H. Lincoln, Brookline, Mass. 

A. C. Hopkins, D. D., Charlestown, W. Va. 

Arthur T. Pierson, D. D., New York. 

E. M. Thresher, Dayton, Ohio. 

Robert L. O’Brien, Washington, D. C. 

T. H. Rice, D. D., Atlanta, Ga. 

J. R. Howerton, D. D., Charlotte, N. C. 

James B. Gregg, (Colorado Springs, Colo. 

W. Henry Grant, New York City, secretaiy of foreign mission boards 
in United States. 

W. M. Anderson, D. D., Nashville, Tenn. 

President David Starr Jordan, Leland Stanford University. 

Bishop Edward G. Andrews, New York City. 

John Wanamaker, Philadelphia. 


A. 

Recent testimony concerning conditions in the Kongo State. 

MISRULE ON THE HIGHER KONGO. 

[A letter to the editor of the Daily Post, Birmingham, England, by Rev. C. H. Harvey, a missionary 

of the American Baptist Missionary Union.] 

Sir: As a missionary for about twenty-five years on the Kongo, may 
I be allowed a little space to refer to some of the matters lately under 
discussion relating to Kongo affairs? 

First of all, then, I would say that as regards my own district, near 
Matadi, on the lower Kongo (which I have just left), there is very little 





10 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


room for complaint against the Kongo government, which, moreover, 
is admitted, I believe, by that government’s critics in Europe. The 
lower Kongo is managed, as it were, apart, and the natives, on the 
whole, are treated with fairness and justice. I had, therefore, some 
difficulty at first in crediting the reports which came from the interior 
from time to time regarding cruelties perpetrated by those who should 
have been the protectors of the people. My own experience of the 
State officials at Boma and Matadi went to show that they are humane 
men, who are always ready to redress any wrong which has been done 
to the natives when brought to their notice, and certainly were not 
themselves guilt}^ of illtreating the people; and, indeed, no charges of 
illtreatment have, to my knowledge, been alleged against them. 

The natives in the Matadi and Boma districts are, many of them, 
paid laborers and workmen of the State, not only Kongolese, but also 
British subjects from the West Coast. None oi' these are producers 
of rubber, for rubber does not grow on the lower Kongo. Moreover, 
trade, properly so called, has never been abrogated in this part of the 
Kongo, and British, Dutch, and .other traders purchase palm oil, palm 
kernels, and other produce on ordinaiT trade terms. 

But I have lately made a journe}^ on the upper Kongo, above the 
equator, and up the Lulanga, Lopori, and Maringa rivers, and I con¬ 
fess that I am shocked and indignant at the state of things up there. 
Indeed, they could not be much worse. Everywffiere above Stanley 
Pool there are evidences of a fearful decrease of population, but espe- 
ciall}^ in those districts where the State has delegated its powers to the 
rubber companies, and notabh" in the territoiy of the Abir. In some 
towns of that concession there is onlv one-tenth of the people who were 
known to be living ten years ago. Some few have migrated elsewhere, 
a large number have died of the sleeping sickness, but the majority 
have doubtless lost their lives, either directly or indirectly, through 
the iniquitous S 3 ^stem in vogue of collecting iTibber. 

This system has so often been described that I need but refer to it 
just now, and will only say that up to the time that I was in equato¬ 
rial Kongo (August last) there had been little or nothing done to seri- 
ousl}" improve the condition of the sutfering, downtrodden natives, 
and to prevent barbarities being perpetrated in the future. The peo¬ 
ple are still as much under the heel of the oppressor as ever, and the 
decline in the population is still going on at the same awful rate. 

But what is the cause of this great difterence between the adminis¬ 
tration of the government on the upper and lower Kongo? In one 
word, it is the svstem of collecting the products of the countiw^ The 
officers of the State are degraded to the position of robbers of the 
defenseless people, inasmuch as the}' take their property by force and 
give them almost nothing in return. They are, indeed, expected to 
squeeze all they can out of the country, instead of governing in the 
interests of the population. It is a wretched system, which not only 
works infinite woe to the poor natives, but demoralizes the adminis¬ 
trators with awful rapidity. 

It is a great mistake, I believe, to suppose that only Belgians would 
be guilty of the crimes against humanity that have been and are being 
perpetrated on the Kongo. Such methods as are in vogue and sanc¬ 
tioned by the powers that be would in time drag down people of any 
nationality. It is well known that men whose previous career had 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


11 


been fairly creditable, after a A^ear or two of rubber collecting degen¬ 
erate into a moral condition which they and their friends would have 
thought to be impossible before they sailed for Africa. 



and 3 "et they have the lives and property of tens of thousands of human 
beings in their control. 

What then is the remedy ? 

I would suggest the folloAving: 

I. The reversal of all decrees appropriating the land and the prod¬ 
uce of the country. 

II. The placing of all products of the soil upon a purely commercial 
basis; that is to say, the restitution to the native of his right to the 
produce of the land, his right to his own labor, and his right to buy 
and sell freely with the European merchants. 

III. The abolition of all monopolies and concessions of territory. 

IV. Adequate payment for all food supplies. 

Abolition of the system of unlimited or excessive taxation and 
the raising of revenue by customs duties and taxes only, the native 
contribution to take the form of a dehnite tax—say, live francs per 
head per annum for each adult male. 

Charles H. Harvey, 

Of the Anierican BaptUi Kongo 2Iission. 

December 15, 1901. 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO. 


[Extracts from a letter from Rev. C. S. Harvey, a missionary of the American Baptist Missionary 
Union, published Tuesday, December 14, in the New York Evening Post.] 

As we were returning, an incident occurred which brought home 
the fact that the evils of the rubber traffic are by no means of the past. 
An old chief came up to where Mr. Harris and I were standing, wait¬ 
ing to be carried across a swamp. Mr. Harris interpreted. ‘M)h, 
white man,” the chief pleaded, *‘do have our work changed! We do 
not want to shirk it, but there is no longer any rubber in our district. 
We are willing to work in any other way that Bula Matadi wants us 
to, but we can not get the quantity of rubber demanded of us, and 1113 " 
children (people) are being killed for nothing. What am I to do?” 

Mr. Harris referred the question to me. 1 suggested that he should 
sa\" that the inspector appointed by the King would no doubt come 
down to Baringa, and he could then appeal to him. He asked how 
long it would be before he would come. I said, perhaps two months. 
Upon which he cried out, "‘Two months! it will be too late then. We 
shall all be killed before that time.” 

Mr. Harris tried to show him that we, as missionaries, had no 
authorit}’ to interfere in such matters. At lirst he did not seem to 
credit it, but begged hard that we would help him. When, however, 
he realized that we were powerless to do anything, he wrung his hands 
and said, “How can I go back to nw town, to my children, and tell 
them this? This da}^ is a sad da}’ for us.” And after we had left him 



12 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


and were being carried through the swamp we could hear him crying 
out after us, “ We shall all be killed! We shall all be killed! ” 

Alas! there is only too much reason to think that the fears of the old 
chief are not groundless. There has been in existence for some 3 ^ears 
in this district one of the most inhuman and barbarous s^'stems of col¬ 
lecting the produce of the countiy that the world has ever seen. The 
Kongo State has made over a vast territor}^ in the equatorial region 
(and has to a large extent delegated its powers) to a commercial com¬ 
pany, the Abir, so called. The personnel of this company are men of 
no education or training which would ht them for the administration 
of governmental powers. Most of them would not be intrusted with 
the control even of a gang of railwa}" navvies in Belgium, but out here 
the liberties and lives of thousands of Africans are placed in their 
hands with only a shadow of accountabilit}" to ain" power superior to 
their own. One of these men, when a missionary protested that he 
was violating the laws of the State, replied sneeringlv, State law! 
what have we to do with the State law^? We are out here to get rub¬ 
ber.” And indeed their rule is the acme of lawlessness. 

The rubber agents are allowed to employ armed sentries or ‘‘guards 
of the forest,” who are usually selected b}^ them on account of their 
well-known unscrupulous and savage character. , These “guards” 
(blackguards indeed), are sent to certain villages wdth instructions to 
drive the people to the forests to collect rubber. Thev are not only 
permitted but are expected to shoot dowui any man who resists or who 
makes any protest, and onh" too often their powers have been exercised 
in murdering in c>old blood anyone against wdiom they have a spite. 
Sometimes thev have killed unolfending people in pure wantonness. 
One such instance was related to me bv a man wdiose veTacity Mr. 
Harris vouched for. He said: 

“ I heard that the sentries were to visit a certain village, and I accom¬ 
panied them to see what thev w^ould do. When got there the 
chief was engaged in giving food to his w ives and children, it being- 
breakfast time. As soon as the chief heard the ‘guards’ had come he 
went out of his house to meet them, suspecting no danger, as he 
believed himself to be ‘all right’ wdth the rubber agent. M ithout the 
least warning one of the sentries shot him dead, and the wdiole gang 
then proceeded to kill the women and children. This accomplished, 
they selected some bodies of the children, which they reserved for a 
feast to be indulged in at another time. The remaining bodies w^ere 
cut up into joints (the man graphically described the operation) and 
the portions having been placed in a row the ‘guards’ opened a kind 
of market.” 

“ Why did they make this attack? ” I asked. “ \Yhat had the chief 
done ?” 

There was no palaver,” he replied. 

But why should they attack people in this way, who have done 
them no wrong?” 

“It is their w^ay,” he replied. The question seemed to surprise him. 
It was apparent!}^ too common an occurrence to excite wonder. 

Several cases are being investigated bv the judge of murders by the 
sentries, following the most horrible mutilation, but the details of 
these crimes can not be given, as they are simpl}^ unspeakable. 

Occasional!}" the white man himself has conducted an armed expedi- 






CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


13 


tion into towns where the people had been reported by the sentries as 
lax in complying with the demand for rubber, and then killing on quite 
a wholesale scale has resulted. The excuse made for these outrages is 
that the natives have attacked the expedition and that the slaughter 
was in self-defense. 

The improbability of this contention is seen when one remembers 
that the natives are but armed with spears and bows and arrows,' 
while the white man and his soldiers carry breech-loading rifles. The 
improbability is shown still more clearh' by the significant fact that 
in no instance, as far as was ascertained, have any of the members of 
the agent’s force been killed, very rarely has anyone even been 
wounded in these encounters. 

The dre adful system of rubber collecting has, among other evils, 
introduced a form of slavery of the worst possible kind. No man’s 
time, liberty, property, person, wife, or child is his own. His position 
is worse than that of the sheep or goats of the white man, for they are 

ell fed, well cared for, and their lives are reckoned to be of some value, 
Jbut the lives of the natives are not worth even a few kilos of rubber 
in the eves of the rubber agent and his cruel emissaries. Even the 
"di-eadful horrors of the ‘‘’middle passage” are completely put in the 
shade by deliberate, demon-like acts of atrocit}^ 

There is the same story of depopulation at Bongandanga as at other 
places. One town,which numbered 2,000 people about ten years ago, 
now has only about 200; and so it is, with some variations, in most of 
the surrounding neighborhood. The State officer who has recently 
come into the district has been making careful estimates of the popu¬ 
lation, and is staggered b}^ the result. 

To the missions on the Upper Kongo the problem is a very serious 
one. Briefly stated it is just this: 

Given such a decrease during the next ten years as in the past 
decade, there will be at the end of that time so few people that the 
stations will of necessity have to be given up. This applies equally of 
course to the rilbber-concession companies. They have been killing 
the goose which lays the golden eggs, and even they are alarmed now 
at the disastrous outlook. There are indeed rumors that the State is 
deposing the rubber companies, and is about to take again control of 
the concessions. But while we may be glad that the tyranny of the 
rubber agent is likely to come to an end soon, one can not feel any 
assurance that matters will begin to be remedied until the mode of 
collecting rubber in this country is radically altered. To change from 
the Abir to the State without a complete change of the system itself is 
perfectl}^ useless. 

It is doubtful, if the people were now relieved from the crushing 
burden of the imposts, how far it would be possible to save them from 
extermination. Food in most pla ces is bo th sca TC£.jajid dear, 
people having had n^iine to cultivate lEe ground properly, their 
b^feS, tlTefeta’e, are imperfectly nourished. Further, should the 
pressure be removed it would by no means follow that bad habits which 
the people have fallen into during the times of their distress would be 
given up. AUomen are now desirious, of all things, to avoid the con¬ 
sequences of maternity. They say that those who have infants have 
much less chance to escape when the soldiers come to the town than if 
they have none. Such ideas are foreign and unnatural to these natives, 








14 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


but they have come, and it is to be feared that they have come to sta}^ 
Still, just here comes in the work of the missionary, and after all there 
is some ground for hope that should the State free the people from 
theii* present bondage (although at the eleventh hour) and place the 
products of the country on a bona lide commercial basis, a remnant of 
the inhabitants could be saved, and a repopulation of these rubber dis¬ 
tricts in time might come to pass; otherwise there can be no doubt that 
the commerce of the country, the State, and the country itself are 
alike doomed. 


EARLY IMPRESSIONS OF CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


[From a letter written to a friend by Rev. Herbert W. Kirby, M. D., a missionary of the American 

Baptist Missionary Union.®] 

Lukunga, May 11^ 190Jf. 

1 have just arrived at Lukunga after a visit to the upper river, so 
that 1 have now seen our work as it is to-da}" as no one else has. I 
have visited 1,5 different mission stations on the Kongo, all of our own, 
except Mbanza Manteke. Let me tell you a little of my life and 
experiences beginning at Kifwa. 

The population is decreasing, and during the past twenty 3 ’ears has 
decreased verv rapidh% due to ( 1 ) lighting with the State, especiall}^ 
on the Upper Kongo. ( 2 ) Hardship of the old caravan days, the caravan 
road being lined with skeletons. For this reason Lukunga has three 
women for eveiy man. (3) State injustice and cruelt}^, which caused 
people to flee to other territorv; others to hide in the bush where 
exposure and lack of food soon killed them. (4) Sleeping sickness. 
(5) Our Christians hasten to buy a few cast-of European clothes,! will 
dress warmly during the heat of the day and wear almost nothing dur- 
ing the chilly nights. Hence, high death-rate pneumonia and other 
chest diseases. ( 6 ) Forced labor, causing the people, to neglect their 
gardens. 

State cruelties are facts. The B. M. S. steamer coming down on 
her last trip called at a village where on the trip previous the}^ had 
seen the State soldiers shooting down the people. The}" founcl that 
120 had been killed. The bodies of the slain were cut up and put into 
baskets—food for the State emplo}"ees. This in the presence of white 
officers, and, I believe, that the soldiers had not even been sent to 
that village. The farther awa}^ from publicit}", the greater the atroci¬ 
ties. I have heard much. I could tell much, but 3 "ou know enough. 
A white officer forcing a native to drink from the water-closet; shoot¬ 
ing down handcuffed men; the employing of tierce cannibal soldiers 
that terrorize the people; shooting down 20 men to pay for a lost dog. 

1 hope that what I have written nia}" be of some help to your work. 
Yes, I believe thorough!}- in the Kongo. I am willing to" die for the 
Kongo. There is much out here to make the best man impatient and 
nervous and queer. I am still single, and no hope at present, but you 

need not pity me, for Mrs. -makes the tinest of ‘Hemon pies.” 

The Kongo wants men of strong backbone and great consecration. 
Are you looking for them ?” 


« The original of the letter is on the files of the society. 






CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


15 


[Extracts from a letter of Mr. John H. Harris, missionary of the Kongo Balolo Mission, to a friend in 
England, printed in King Leopold’s Rule in Africa, p. 437 ff.] 

Baringa, May 30^ 190Jf. 

This letter you may do as you like with. It is useless to expect any¬ 
thing better from the Kongo Free State in the way of administration. 

The state of atiairs is the natural outcome of the system. The Kongo 
officials want rubber. The State says that the collection of rubber is 
a collection of taxes; but how can this be, considering that so-called 
private “companies’’ hx the quantity of rubber to be brought in, and 
the rubber brought to them is for these companies’ benetit? Surely 
taxes ought not to be used to beneht private individuals, but for the 
development of the State. 

Again, we are told that “the taxes are hxed between the officials and 
the native chiefs. ” This is a wicked and barefaced untruth. The chiefs 
are never consulted; they are ordered to bring in so much rubber every 
fortnight, and sentries with their retinue are quartered upon them and 
force the rubber out of the people. The relative position of the “sen¬ 
tries” and the chiefs is that of master and slave. No respect whatever 
is shown to the chiefs. How often, for instance, have the chiefs of 
this district, at one time or another, sutfered the greatest degradations. 
Have I not seen them again and again with chains round their necks, 
carrying soil and other rubbish with the commonest slaves, and left in 
this position for weeks, absolutely without trial;^ Again, a number of 
them have, to my certain knowledge, been publicly Hogged. These 
chiefs may be inferior to the white man, but among their own people 
they are great!}" respected. 

I see a great deal is being made in Europe about the new regula¬ 
tions—that natives are only to work in future forty hours per month. 
A great deal is also being made of this on the Kongo—a great deal of 
ridicule—by State officials, rubber agents, and missionaries. Every¬ 
one realizes that it is only a “})lind.” If it were carried out, not a 
single kilo of rubber could reach Europe. 1 have not yet heard a single 
person speak seriously of that law. It is like many other “vState” 
laws, only made to be broken. 

1 want now to tell you how this rubber is collected. By some secret 
process, a company of magnates in Europe apparently buy a tract of 
countiy out here, including the people. (1 understand what are called 
the “Abir people” numbev about 2,000,000.) These magnates choose 
a director and agents in Africa. The agents have districts assigned to 
them to rule, and to get in all the rubber they can. 

The agent is supplied with guns and ammunition; these he gives to 
a number of men whom he ""calls” for the purpose. These men are 
named “ sentries,” and are placed in the towns in the numbers of two 
to ten according to the size of the town. 

These sentries, in their turn, quarter themselves upon the chiefs—in 
itself a considerable hardship, when it is remembered that the sentries 
are little despots and have a considerable retinue of ""boys” and 
wives, all living upon the chief. For the use of the sentries, women, 
food, and sundries must be supplied; the women must be of the finest 
type and the food of the best quality. Added to this there are con¬ 
stant acts of blackmailing. In fact, the sentries are simply “terrors” 
to the poor people, who know that their refusal to supply them, or 
even one of their “ boys,” with what they ask ’will probably mean 


16 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


death. A case in point is that of Bongwalanga and her daughter 
Lotinda, both of whose heads were cut otf for refusing to give Ifuta 
all the fish he asked for. Every fortnight these sentries collect the 
rubber and accompany a number of people to the nearest post, and 
carefully watch the people lest they tell tales to the white man, who, 
I may say from experience, is never very anxious to listen, and if he 
does so has to hear a palaver through an interpreter, who is probabl}^ 
‘‘ in ” with the sentries. 

******* 

It has been sometimes argued that the State official sanctions the quan¬ 
tity of rubber. He ma}^ do so in his half-yearl}^ visits, which are of 
only a few hours’ duration, but he knows nothing of the ability of the 
people to bring in the rubber beyond what the ‘‘compan 3 ^’s” agent 
likes to tell him, and, moreover, ever^" agent, when sent to the ‘■‘post,” 
is ordered to increase the quantity. In a word, the poor people are 
absolutely under the control of the so-called ‘‘trading” companies, who 
can do just as they like with them. Law is not operative here, and if 
we sometimes quote law to prove some action illegal we are laughed at, 
as I was on April 23 last, and told, “What is State law to me? I am 
sent to get plent}^ of rubber, not to carry out law.” Can you wonder 
that, under these circumstances, the wretched sentries take the cue from 
their masters and rule the countiy according to their standard of right, 
which is to become despots, to enrich themselves bj^ t 3 a*ann 3 ^ and black¬ 
mail, and at the same time to live in unparalleled luxuiw, while at their 
verv names even the chief of a town trembles. 

In what does the Kongo State “ Government” differ from slaveiy? 
Honestty, I confess I do not know. 

Think for a few minutes what a harrowing time the people have 
been through latel 3 % and but for us I am confident worse would have 
been still the order of the da 3 ^ 

Close to us are the towns of Balumboloko, Lotoko, Ekelongo, and 
Bolima. The last few months these brutes of sentries have cruelly 
murdered in these towns at least twelve people, including a chief and 
two women. 

The worst part appears to be that these were mere acts of brutalit 3 ", 
committed with the sole object of terrorizing people. At Esanga, a 
district of small villages on the opposite bank, these sentries” mur¬ 
dered at least five people, including two women and one girl. * * * 

I arrived here Thursda 3 ’, Ma 3 " 19, and on Frida 3 " afternoon three 
Nsongo men brought in the hands of Bolenga and Lingomo, who had 
been killed at their town two da 3 "s before b 3 ^ the sentries Loteri, 
Bomolo, and others. Also the 3 ^ had killed, cooked, and eaten the 
woman Balengolo. 

******* 

One of the sentiy’s retinue—a “bo 3 ^”—demanded more meat from 
the people, and on their refusal became abusive and threatened them. 
The sentiy loaded his gun and shot a man and a woman, killing the 
man and probably mortall 3 ^ wounding the woman. There seems very 
little hope of her recoverv. 

******* 

Thus, 3 mu see, during the last few months twent 3 ^-five persons have 
lost their lives, and two badly wounded. Amongst these were several 
women and children. Quite a number of these were cooked and eaten. 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


17 


The evidence is not disputed—in fact, up to the present the sentries 
admit it and blame the agent, saying that it was by his orders. More- 
ov^er, we have names and details beyond dispute, and yet—can you 
believe it?—such a state of things exist here that the sentries are as 
flee as vou or L 


If these things go on close to the Mission Station, what goes on 
farther afield? If half the grewsome stories we hear are true (and I 
have good reason to believe most of them are), such a stoiy could be 
written as would shock the civilized world. 


Some time ago a chief, 200 miles away, sent a message begging us 
to establish a Mission Station near him, *'or,” said he, ‘Sve shall soon 
all be killed.'’ In the light of this is it an}- wonder that the State 
refuses to grant us an}- new sites? 


******* 


You may find some difficult}^ in getting people at home to believe 
this, but I can assure vou everv word is true to fact. 

M ay God rouse the hearts of the people * * * to demand a 

new system for this poor countiy. 


[Letter from Mr. E. Stannard, a missionary of the Congo Balolo Mission, to the secretary of that 
society. Printed in King Leopold’s Ptule in Africa, p. 442 ff.] 

C. B. M., Baringa, Upper Congo, 

Congo Independent State, 

May 190Jf. 

I regret to say that during the last few months, instead of there 
being any signs of improvement in this district, the condition of things 
is becoming infinitely worse, and we are forced to believe that, under 
present conditions, this will be increasingly so. The. treatment to 
which these poor people are subjected is simply atrocious—no less 
strong word than that describes it. 

The State authorities appear to resent the word “atrocities.” I 
wish they were equally concerned about the atrocities themselves. It 
is a marvel to us that the people can submit to such treatment. They 
are getting desperate, and one wonders what the end of it all will be. 
They seem so hopeless and helpless, and there is no remedy provided 
for them b}" the State—in fact, it is the State that is oppressing them. 

Quite recently .ludge Bosco was here making inquiries regarding 
the murders that were committed by sentries in the towns at the back 
of us just before Mr. Frost left for England, and which he personall}" 
investigated. The murders were proved up to the hilt—in fact, a 
larger number than we at first had known of definitely. Relatives of 
the murdered people and witnesses from the towns came and testified 
before the judge, and the sentries confessed to having killed the peo¬ 
ple. The judge said it was certain that the murders had taken place, 
and the only question in dispute was as to upon whom the responsi¬ 
bility rested. All the sentries, without exception, affirmed that they 
were instructed by M. Van Calcken, the agent, to kill people, and that 
those who did not were censured. The agent, on the other hand, 
denied that he had done so. 

The power and authority of the judge seemed to be yery limited, 
and it appeared that he could do no more than make an inyestigation. 
He said that, as a white man >vas inyolyed, all he could do was to report 

S. Doc. 102,58-3-2 




18 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


the facts to Boiiia, and he would probably have a reply on the subject 
in about three months’ time. We pointed out that these sentries 
admitted having committed the murders, and that being so, asked him 
what he was going to do with them; but he confessed his inability to 
do more in the matter, as the responsibility was not established, and it 
was connected with rubber. So that, in the face of these confessed 
murders, nobody has been arrested or punished, and the same kind of 
things are being repeated. One would have thought that the very 
least that would have been done would have been to put the sentries 
under arrest. Do you wonder that the people sa}^ it is useless to 
report these things? They come and tell us of these things, often at 
great risk, but with no better result than the above, and often not as 
much. The judge did arrest llangala, the capita, or head sentry, but 
he explained to us that he did so soleW because he bad killed a woman, 
and he said it was illegal for a woman to be punished on account of 
rubber. These particular men have ceased to be sentries, but they 
are in their towns and quite free, and it is probable that if the}" are 
wanted in three months’ time they may have disappeared, and then their 
charge against the agent will be unsubstantiated, and the whole thing 
will fall through and nothing more be heard of it. 

That is the usual w-ay with these palavers in which people are mur-. 
dered. The sentries invariably affirm that they are told to kill people, 
while when murders come to light the agents discredit them and dis¬ 
claim responsibility. It is significant, however, that scarcely ever, if 
ever, do they take action except in cases we report to them. My own. 
distinct impression is that they are acquainted with the actions of their 
sentries and largely responsible for them. The}" are compelled to get 
their full demand of rubber—and good rubber, if it is possible to be 
got—and will use any means to that end. Of course, they prefer not 
to do the horrible work actually themselves, and the sentries are only 
too willing to use the gun. The agents should know the kind of men 
they arm and send out with guns and rifles, and should know what is 
done with the cartridges and powder that have been used. Is it right 
that it should be possible to shirk responsibility in the easy fashion 
these men seem to be able to do it? 

The way in which some of these men regard the seriousness of these 
charges is illustrated by the following: While the judge was here 
another series of murders came to light through one of our station 
lads visiting the Esanga district. One woman was decapitated by a 
sentry, and one of the murdered men was a relative of our lad. The 
judge, Mr. Harris, and 1 were sitting talking in Mr. Harris’s house 
when the two agents came across to get particulars about the affair. 
After the lad had enumerated the four people who were killed and the 

sentries implicated. Mr. - said, with half a laugh and affected 

surprise, “Is that all? I thought there were a lot killed.” He then 
added, “I can’t be everywhere, and I am not a policeman.” And we 
are told by the State that these men have the entire surveillance of the 
district. ‘We are put under their jurisdiction and have to recognize 
them as the representatives of the State; in any kind of difficulty we 

are told we must apply to them. Mr.- says he has since made 

inquiries and admits that the allegations are true, but says the mur¬ 
ders were committed in the time of his predecessor, who went to 
Europe last January. He evidently does not mind admitting the facts 
as long as he is cleared of the responsibility. 




CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


19 


The judge remarked to us that the work given to him to do is not 
serious, i. e., it is impossible. In this Equator district, as large as a 
great European State, he is the only judicial officer, and he can scarcely 
visit the whole of his district during his term of service. When he 
goes to investigate a charge it is possibl}" a year old and it is impos¬ 
sible to get witnesses. Then while he is traveling he knows there is a 
tremendous lot of work accumulating for him at Coquilhatville, and 
that there is no proper administration of justice. 

Mr. Harris has already intimated to 3^11 in a letter of his that while 
he was down at Jikau, attending a committee meeting, a horrible case 
of murder and cannibalism on the part of rubber sentries occurred in 
this district. It was of a shocking nature, and has greatly distressed 
us. On Sunda}" morning. May 15, just after 8 o’clock, 1 had gone 
across to Mr. Harris’s house, and we were just going to commence 
morning worship when two bo 3 "s rushed breathlessl}^ in and said that 
some sentries had killed a number of people, and that two men had 
gone by to tell the rubber white men, and that they also had some 
hands to show him in case he did not believe them. It greatl}" upset 
us, and we told them to watch for the men as they came back and to 
tell us so that we could see them. Shortly afterwards the two men 
came along the path, and we heard the boys calling to them to come 
and show us; but the 3 " seemed afraid, and so we went out quickly and 
overtook them and asked them where the hands were. Thereupon one 
of them opened a parcel of leaves and showed us the hand and foot of 
a small child, who could not have been more than 5 3 "ears old. They 
were fresh and clean cut. It was an awful sight, and even now as I 
write I can feel the shudder and feeling of horror that came over me 
as we looked at them and saw the agonized look of the poor fellow, 
who seemed dazed with grief, and said they were the hand and foot of 
his little girl. 1 can never forget the sight of that horror-stricken 
father. We asked them to come into the bouse and tell us about the 
affair, which the\" did, and the following is the stoiw the}^ told us: 

‘‘The father of the little girl said his name was Nsala, and he was a 
native of Wala, which is a section of the Nsongo district and connected 
with Lifinda, the outpost of Baringa. On the previous day, although 
it was three days before they^ were due to take in the rubber, 15 sen¬ 
tries came from Lifinda, all except 2 being armed with Albini rifles, 
and they were accompanied Iw followers. They began making prison¬ 
ers and shooting, and killed Bongingangoa, his wife; Boali, his little 
daughter of about 5 3 ^ears of age, and Esanga, a bo}" of about 10 3 ^ears. 
These they at once cut up and afterwards cooked in pots, putting in 
salt which they had brought with them, and then ate them. 

“They also shot three other people who, although wounded, man¬ 
aged to run into the forest. They were: 

“Eikitunga, a woman who, although wounded, ran as far as a stream 
named the Loali, where she fell in and was drowned. 

“Isekolumbo, a chief; shot wdth an Albini, and the bullet passed 
through right arm and then through his body and out at back. The}' 
ssiy he will not liv^e. 

Elisi, a chief. Shot with an Albini in the thigh; he will probably 
live, as the bone w^as not broken. 

The chiefs, they say, are not supposed to go out and get rubber, 
and, I might add,* neither are the women and innocent children. The 
sentries took 10 prisoners, of whom 9 were Avomen. The people, how- 


20 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


ever, afterwards redeemed 4 women for a thousand rods, and later 
another 4 for a large basketful of rods and a dog. The other 2 pris¬ 
oners were taken to the rubber posts at Lihnda. The}" were Iseko- 
langanga, a man, and Bokombi, a woman, who was the wife of Elisi, 
the chief who was shot in the thigh. She had brass anklets on when 
taken, but these the sentries stole. 

Nsala said that when the sentries were not looking he snatched up 
the foot and hand of his little girl, to bring and show to the white man, 
in case he should disbelieve what he said. We asked him whether he 
had cut off the hand and foot, but he looked horrified, and protested 
that he had not done so. He added that when thev came awav the 

c-' 

sentries were still hunting the people, and that they were then going 
to hide in the bush, as the}" were afraid to go liack. 

Mrs. Harris then took a photo of the sorrowing man and all that 
was left to him of his wife and little daughter. We were sickened as 
we looked, and thought of the innocent little child, and pictured her 
running about but a short time before. We tried to enter a little into 
the feelings of the unhappy father, and involuntarily there arose from 
our hearts a prayer that God himself would intervene on behalf of 
these people. 

They say the natives are adequately paid. This is the price paid for 
rubber on the Kongo! 

When fludge Bosco was here, he said it was absolutely illegal to 
imprison women on account of rubber. This is the way the law is 
observed on the Kongo. Could things be much Avorse if there were 
no laAv? 

Later in the morning a note was sent to M. Van Calcken, the agent, 
informing him of what we had seen and been told, and saying we 
expected him to report the matter. He afterAvards came across, and 
said the men had been across to him in the morning, but that he had 
not seen the hand and foot. This is certainly strange, because Ave met 
them coming straight from the rubber factory, and asked them Avhether 
they had shown the Avhite man, and Avhat he said. They replied 
that they had done so, and that he said he would talk the palaver with 
the other Avhite man, Avho Avas coming next day. If they did not shoAV 
the hand and foot it illustrates the fear Avith Avhich people go and 
report any matter to the rubber agents. 

On the next morning (Monday) we heard the canoe of M. Y-had 

arriA"ed from Lihnda, and on Tuesdav afternoon, about 8.30, tAvo men 
came up to me while I was superintending some brickmaking on the 
station, and said they wanted to tell me some more about hoAV the sen¬ 
tries had been killing and eating their people. Poor fellows; they 
looked like hunted animals, and terror Avas stamped on their features. 
Their names Avere Bompenju and Lohko. Bompenju said he was the 
elder brother of Lohko and Nsala, Avho came to us on Sunday. They 
had just come from the forest, Avhere they had been hiding. Their 
account Avas substantially the same as that given to us on Sunday, but 
somewhat amplihed. Fourteen days, they said, Avere allowed to them 
in Avhich to get their rubber, of Avhich they S})ent ten days in the forest 
collecting it. On the previous Saturday Bompenju Avas still in the 
jamba (swamp) gathering his, and Lohko Avas in his house, as he had 
his rubber, and was sitting doAvn for three days before they had to 
take it in. Although they Avere not due Avith their rubber for three 
days, 15 sentries, with their folloAvers, appeared, 2 of Avhoni had cap 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


21 


gTins, while the rest were armed with Albini rifles, and commenced 
shooting.^ They also affirmed that previously they had sentries who 
were natives of the Nsongo district, but that the white man recalled 
them and took awa}" their guns, because he said the\" did not kill their 
own people. He then sent them others, from places where the people 
are known to be notorious cannibals, with the above result. AVhile 
we were interrogating the man Mrs. Harris mentioned that M. Van 
Calcken said he had not seen the hand and foot on Sunda^y whereupon 
Botondo, one of our workmen, exclaimed, “"That is falsehood itself, 
because 1 was returning from the river at the time, and saw Nsala show 
him the hand and foot.” Bokalo, a house bo}", also spoke up and said. 

Yes; and when I saw them coming along the path, and told them to 
come and show the English, they said they were afraid, because the 
rubber white man had told them not to do so.” 

We were also informed that M. X-, on his way down by canoe, 

put on shore at a landing near the Nsongo district 5 sentries, with 
instructions that they were to go and kill some more people. When, 
however, he got to Baringa, M. X- told him that the missiona¬ 

ries knew about the affair, and 2 sentries, named Lote and Lolenga, 
were sent overland to tell the other sentries not to kill any more, and 
they had returned to Baringa to-da}^ with a lot of women prisoners. 
At 6.To that evening Longombo, a workman of the mission, came and 
told me that he had just been told by Ikala, a sentry, that the prison¬ 
ers brought in from Nsongo that day numbered 10—8 women and 
2 men, and that 1 woman and 1 man had been released, leaving 
7 wom'en and 1 man in prison. Lianza, a station lad, told me 
later that Inumga, a boy who previous!}" worked for Mr. Frost, but 
wlio now works at the factory, had told him that a number of women 
prisoners had been brought in but he had not counted them. I was 
further told next morning by Botondo, Basombo, and Ifomi, 3 
station lads, that they had been over at the sentries’ houses the pre¬ 
vious night, and had seen the women prisoners, who are in charge of 
the sentries. Lomboto, the headman, is responsible for them, and 
they are not put in the prison itself. The reason given for this pro¬ 
cedure is that M. X-does not want the English to know that 

he has women prisoners. And all this has taken place immediately 
after the judge had emphasized, in our presence and his, that women 
must not be made prisoners by Abir agents on account of rubber. 

With the present strained relations we were in a very difficult posi¬ 
tion. If 1 had personally gone looking round his sentries’ houses and 
asking questions he would have got very angry. On the other hand, 
had 1 gone and asked him about it he would have taken care that the 
women were kept out of the way. 

On Thursday, May 19, at midday Mr. Harris returned from Jikau, 
and we hoped that these horrors were at an end, anyway for a time. 
Unfortunately such was not the case, for on Friday afternoon about 
4.30, while 1 was with Mr. Harris, three men came up to us with a 
small bundle and opening it said, ‘ ‘ Look! This is the hand of Lingomo, 
and this is the hand of Bolengo. We couldn’t bring the hand of Balen- 
gola, as they have eaten the whole of her body.” 1 recognized two 
of the men as Bompenju and Lotiko, who had come to us on the pre¬ 
vious Tuesday. We said, ‘AVhat, have they killed some moreU’ 
‘‘Yes,” they Replied; “three more, one of whom tliay have eaten.” 
“ White men,” thev went on, “what are we to do? Thev are tinishing 





22 


CONDITIONS IN THK KONGO STATE. 


US all oft'. While we came here three da 3 ^s ago the}" killed a man, a 
boy, and a woman.” Mrs. Harris took a photo of "the men with the 
hands, and Mr. Harris and 1 stood in the group, as we thought it would 
be additional testimony. Mr. Harris then went across with the men 
to the agent. I had had a very unpleasant interview with him some 
time ago in connection with some other murderous outrages. Just 
after, I noticed a number of people at the end of the station path, and 
found that they were people who had come from Wala with rubber 
and were waiting for the other three men. Mrs. Harris and I walked 
along and had a talk with them. They told us that the sentries had 
killed a man, woman, and lad, and had also eaten the woman. In 
answer to our question as to when it took place they said it was three 
days ago, and that the sentries, who were armed with Albini riftes, had 
also taken live prisoners, of whom two were women with their chil¬ 
dren. We asked wdiether Jsekolumbo and Elisi, the two wounded 
chiefs, were still alive, and they said they were. 

1 am afraid Mr. Harris and I look rather angry in the photo, but I 
confess that I felt angrv. It made mv blood boil to think of these 
things—horror upon horror—w"hich are being perpetrated upon these 
persecuted people. 


Thursday, May 190J^. 

This afternoon I returned from a visit to Wala, in the Nsongo district. 
I left here last Tuesday morning and reached there about 4 p. m. On 
passing through Boeringa we met two natives of Wala, w"ho accompa¬ 
nied us. Just before reaching Wala they said to me, “Come‘in here 
and w’e will show vou where thev killed the little girl, Boali.” So 1 
turned aside into a small side path in the forest, and there, a short way 
in, I saw a large number of leaves covered with old blood stains. They 
told me she had run into the forest and was overtaken, killed, and cut 
up. The parts were then carried into the town, cooked, and eaten. 

On leaching Wala itself I met Mpombo, the chief, a man of consid¬ 
erable influence among the natives and widely known throughout the 
surrounding districts. I was informed that Isekolumbo, the man w"ho 
had been seriously wounded, had died on the morning of that day. They 
said that his compound was some distance away and that they might 
have buried him. However, as I said I should like to see his body, 
they sent oft' for it at once, and also sent a message on the “lokoli” 
telling the people there not to bury it. It arrived just before dark. I 
examined the body, and the wounds showed clearly that he had been 
shot with a rifte. The bullet had passed through the right arm and 
then through the side of the body and out at the back. The arm bone 
was also broken. The wound could only have been caused by a bullet. 
He was a big man and seems to have been of good standing and much 
respecjted in the district. 

The next morning, while I was having breakfast, they brought me 
in Elisi, the other man who had been wounded in the thigh. l exam- 
ined him and found the bullet wound through the fteshy part of the 
thigh. It was of such a nature that it could only have been caused bv 
a bullet. I dressed the wound and he promised to come to the station 
to be treated. He said he was shot by an Albini rifte by Lifumba, the 
capita of the Liflnda sentries. When the sentries ftrst arrived they 
commenced making a number of prisoners, and Elisi asked Lifumba 
why they were doing that, as the rubber was not due for three days, 


(X)NDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 23 

whereupon he lifted up his rifle and shot him, savino- at the same 
time, Take that.” 

1 was told by Mpombo and a number of others that after Elisi had 
been shot the sentries came through to Mpombo’s part and killed, 
cooked, and ate Bongindangoa, Boali, and the boy P^sanga. 

. ^ ^ vs- w -v- 

iMpombo said that had he remained in his house they would have 
shot him. After their cannibal feast the sentries slept in the same 
house, and started back next morning for Eifinda. On their wav 
through the town they met Isekolumbo, and he said to them, Why 
are 3^011 killing us? The rubber is not due for three da\’'s.” The 
sentry, Bokumgu, then lifted up his rifle and shot him, also saying. 

Fake that.” He managed to run into the bush. The above refers 
to the first killing palaver. 

Three da^^s later (on iMonday) five sentries came to Mpombo’s part 
from the river, armed with Albini rifles. Thev were Bompasu, 
Bopambo, Lomboto, Mbo}"o, and Isekom))ali. Thev did not kill or 
wound, l)ut made a number of prisoners, some of whom were women. 
Later on two sentries, Loto and Lolenga, arrived from Baringa, and 
told them that they were not to kill any people. They slept there that 
night and left next morning with the prisoners. 

That same morning (Tuesday), Lifumba and some other sentries, 
including Lomboto, Loteri, Bokungu, Lokilo, and PA’omo, came again 
from Lifunda to the other end of Wala, but did not reach Mpombo’s 
part. On this occasion thev killed three people, one of whom was a 
woman, whom thev ate. The people killed were Lingongo, a man; 
Bolengo (also named Lofembe). a lad; and Balengola, a woman. The 
woman was speared by Lontulu, a ‘‘bo^’” of one of the sentries, after 
which the}" cut her up and ate her. 

The house that 1 slept in was next to the open house in which the 
first cannibal feast of the sentries had taken place, and my food was 
actually cooked in the same house. 1 asked Mpombo if it would not 
be possible to find me some of the bones of the people who had been 
eaten, but he said it was then about ten days since the first took place, 
and that the sentries burnt most of the bones or else threw what 
remained right away. However, he said he would send a man at once 
to the place where the last woman had been eaten, at the other end of 
Wala (nearly a day’s journey farther on), to see if he could find any. 
Later in the day they brought me a piece of bone, charred at one end, 
which they had found in the house where the feast had taken place, 
and which they said belonged to Boali. They thought it was part of 
one of the bones of the forearm. 

Just before 1 left, the man returned from the other place bringing 
a piece of bone which he said belonged to the woman Balengola, and 
which he found outside the house where she was eaten. He said that 
was all he was able to find of her, and that had been lying outside, and 
the white ants had started eating one end. That was so, because even 
after my return to the station I found two white ants still on it. They 
thought it was a part of the leg bone. These I am sending on to you 
just as they were given to me, tied onto the ends of pieces of stick. 
•For superstitious reasons the people would not handle the bones them¬ 
selves, as they were parts of the remains of their relatives. 

I left them, saying 1 would do vvdiat 1 could for them, and hoped that 


24 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


those who had done such awful tliiiigs to them would be severe!}" pun¬ 
ished. These things have been reported to the judge, and we are 
anxiously awaiting another visit from him. 

According to the present written law of the State, these people are 
only required to work forty hours a month, but so far as those for 
whom it is intended are concerned, it might as well never have been 
written, it is merely a blind, for I do not suppose it is acted upon any¬ 
where in the State. The rubber agents here openly ridiculed it in the 
the presence of the judge, and said it was only written for European 
consumption. They are constantly receiving circulars instructing 
them to increase the amount of rubber. The people’s work is not 
reckoned by time, but by the amount of rubber they must bring in. 
They are practically always working for the State or rubber companies. 
The agents sometimes complain to us that a number of people have gone 
away from their towns, as though they had committed a great crime 
which demands severe measures. And yet can the people be blamed 
for running away from such treatment? They can hardly be expected 
to do less than that. Can they be expected to remain quietly and 
receive such treatment as the Nsongo people have lately had meted 
out to them? However, it is seldom that they get far, and usually 
only out of one rubber district into another. These rubber agents 
have but one thought and apparently but one interest, viz, rubber. 
And one would almost imagine that their hearts must be made of rub¬ 
ber, or something harder, else they could not but feel some pity for 
the unfortunate people who are at their mercy, and whom they seem 
to be willing to do to death with so little compunction. 

You will be able to understand our feelings of indignation and dis¬ 
gust when we read of the defenders of the State in Europe denying 
the charges that are made against it, and asserting that the people are 
happy and receive just treatment, while we are living in the midst of 
these horrors which are being perpetrated upon the people at ihe 
present time. 

While Judge Bosco was here he said that he had received instruc¬ 
tions to investigate the British consul’s statement to the governor- 
general that he had seen at Bongandanga 15 women prisoners tied by 
the ne(?k. 1 told him that I was at Bongandanga during the consul’s 
visit and had seen those women l^eing marched to the factoiy by sen¬ 
tries, and I also said that 1 had seen very many others besides. I added 
that while I was at Bongandanga it was by no means exceptional for 
women to be put in prison, but, on the other hand, that it was an ordi¬ 
nary, everyday occurrence. I signed a statement to that effect. At 
that time he had not seen a copy of the consuTs report, and we showed 
him ours. If he is the Marquis Bosco referred to in the papers as 
having investigated the charges made by the British consul in his 
report, and proved them unfounded, it is a false statement. When he 
was here in April he told us he had not yet seen a copy of the report 
and what he saw here went to contirm the consul’s charges. 

We very much need the prayers of God’s people to know always 
how to act for the best under most trying circumstances. The work is 
certainly beset with great difficulties and there is much that might 
discourage us, but, in spite of all. God is giving us signs of His blessing 
and evidences of His working. We take courage and press forward. 
One thing is certain—and never was the Gospel message of love, peace, 
and good will more needed than it is at the present time in this land of 
oppression and darkness. 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


25 


, June 5, 1904. 

\ esterdH}' afternoon fliidge Bosco arriv^ed the Abir steamer. He 
uame along to the mission, and we spoke to him about these fresh acts 
of murder and cannibalism by rubber sentries. He seemed to think 
things were very l)ad, and said he would report the matter to Boma. 
That was all he could do, and if these things still continued afterwards 
it would not be his fault. 

• 

This morning he came and interrogated Mr. Harris and iin^self. I 
gave him a full account of the whole affair, and signed a declaration 
embodying the main features of the case. The judge appears to be a 
veiT fair man, and desirous of doing what is just; but his hands seem 
to be tied, and all he can do is to investigate. He is virtually a judge 
only in name, for he seems to lack the authority and power attaching 
to that office. I sincerelv wish we could feel some confidence in the 
desire of the State to mete out justice, not onlv to those who actually 
commit these crimes, but to those who are really responsible for them. 

It is difficult for people at home to understand how extremely hard 
it is for these natives to give ans" kind of evidence against the rubber 
agents. Try and put yourself in their position. For all practical pur¬ 
poses, the rubber compaii}^ is supreme in this part of the country. It 
is the rubber agent with whom these people have to do and whom they 
fear. A judge may come along and ask them a few questions, but he 
then passes on, and they are left with the rubber agent. They know 
that if they have said an 3 Thing against him they will have to suffer for 
it pretty severel}" afterwards. They have repeatedh" expressed them¬ 
selves to us in this wav. Thev argue that if they sa}" anvthing about 
the agent, nothing comes of it^—no change for the better is made, and 
the}" are afterwards punished for saying it. Fear, therefore, closes 
their mouths. The men implicated know all this only too well. 

From Mr. Harris’s letter vou will be able to appreciate our position 
here now, which is not a very enviable one. We can not sav what 
developments may take place, but we shall keep 3 "ou informed. The 
attitude of the rubber companv is openly and activel}' hostile. The}" 
have made it clear that the only way in which we can receive anything 
like proper treatment is by closing our eyes, ears, and mouths with 
reference to their atrocious doings. But that is impossible. 

Since last Christmas, in the districts surrounding Baringa, to our 
knowledge about 25 people, including men, women, and children, 
have been brutally murdered, some of whom have been cooked and 
eaten by rubber sentries. Can we, in the face of these things, remain 
silent? " Is not our duty as Christian missionaries perfectly clear, 
regardless of consequences? We must speak or our conscience will 
condtmm us! 


[Thirteen years of Kon^o State rule in Katan^^a—Extracts from a letter written by the Rev. Dugald 
Campbell to secretary of Aborigines Ih-otection Society, London, England—Printed in King Leopold’s 
rnle in Africa, p. 452.] 


The Mission, Johnstone Falls, N. E. Rhodesia, 

May 190 

Dear Sir: I have just returned from a three weeks’ journey in the 
Kongo State, having paid a visit to our mission station at Koni Hill, 
on the Entire River, and to the Belgian post, Eufaku, as also to Alsiri s 
Town, where I spent four days with chiefs and old friends. Old Msiri’s 
son, Kitanika, and Kalama. one of the principal capitas in Katanga, 



26 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


have been here on a week’s visit, and have jnst left. The afore-inen- 
tioned capita, Kalania, has served the State faithfully since the appear¬ 
ance of the first yellow flag star, brought by Paul Le Marinel, whom 
he accompanied on his return journe}^ to Lulualnirg. \Vith these two 
loyal Kong’olese I went over the principal events of State history in 
Katanga, since the advent of Kongo government, and particularly 
since my own arrival about eleven ^vears ago. To be sure of being* 
accurate, 1 thus refreshed my meihory as to facts, names of places, 
people, etc., relating thereto, and much else, and I beg to send you the 
following observations and narative of experiences in the hope that 
they may prove useful and help to put an end to the abuses prevailing* 
in poor oppressed Kongoland. 

Ivory regime .—Shortly prior to my arrival at Lufoi (Katanga) from 
Bihe, on the west coast, Lieutenant, afterwards Captain, Legal, left 

and was replaced by Lieutenant, afterwards Captain, X-. Avho 

welcomed me to the country. The mission station was fifteen minutes’ 
walk from the State post. Just a month or so before I arrived Lieu¬ 
tenant X- had set out with a large party to avenge a supposed 

insult to two of his messengers—Dioko, the State interpreter (a 
Loanda black left at Msiri’s b}^ the Portuguese travelers Capello and 
Ivens), and Magabe, a local native. He attacked the large village of 
^Mutwila. a Sanga chief. There was great slaughter, including women 
and little children. Heads were brought back for a war dance. 
Gangs of slaves, men and women, were taken, some of whom are still 
in slavery. The village was burned and everything destroyed. The 
women were given mostl}" to the soldiers. Lots of ivoiy was taken. 

Kafwimbi, a big chief with a large village on the Luapula Kiver (he 
is now in British territoiy and visited me a few da 3 *s ago), was also 
known to have much ivorv, and consecjuentlv attacked. The chief 

escaped across the river under a'hail of bullets, but M. Y-told 

me manv were shot and sunk while trying to reach the British side. 
Others were killed in the village and all the women and children 
roped togetherv The women became soldiers’ propertv, and some 
were, as thev sav here, ‘‘married” to the whites. The village was 
burned and pillaged and evervthing desti'oyed, including a parting 
kick at any undamaged pots—the usual thing even in time of quiet. 

A journey from Lufoi post to Mtoa (Tanganyika Zone) by Sublieu¬ 
tenant P-, was the occasion of further burning, pillaging, and 

killing. The officer in question was conducting a large gang of pris¬ 
oners in chains, and on his return journev he burned out our local chief 
Chipungu, ten minutes distance from whose village was our second 
mission station, on Lake Mweru; also the villages of chiefs Nswioa and 
Kafungo. These burnings were accomyxinied with the usual plunder 
and devastation—carrying oti' stock and destroying food, mucii to our 
chagrin, as the missionaries were more or less dependent on them for 

fowls, eggs, and native produce. Leaving there. Sublieutenant P- 

crossed the Bukongolo Mountains, murdered old chief Mbogo and chief 
Lukona, with further burning, destroving, and fighting en route back— 
that is, if you call shooting down helpless natives by such a dignified 
appellation as lighting. To the west of Lufoi post, among the mountains 
which in parts are honeycombed with caves, live the Bena Mitumba, 
or people of the hills, a branch of the Va-Sanga tribe, wffio have been 
an incessant thorn in the State's side, as the}* have been almost inac¬ 
cessible, and are splendid elephant hunters, .with, of course, heaps of 







CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


27 


ivory. Between this tribe—the aborigines of the countiy—and the 
Va-Yeke, Msiri’s people, there has been a perpetual fend. Really a 
stranger from the north of Tanganyika, Msiri was considered an 
unwelcome intruder. To strengthen liimself, therefore, he killed and 
oppressed the Va-Sanga, and cropped off the ears of one of their prin¬ 
cipal chiefs, Mulowanyama. This chief was afterward Imrned alive in 
a cave with about 70 or 80 of his people, including women and chil¬ 
dren, by a State force under Captain Z-. The State took sides 

with Msiri’s people against the Va-Sanga, whom they (Msiri’s people) 
hated and persecuted under State flags and with State guns, caps, and 
powder. Result, the Va-Sanga resented and refused to bring in the 
ivoiy. (N. B.—Verbal guaranties had been given by Captain Stairs, 
on the Va-Sanga, submitting o the State and taking the flag, that no 
Yeke chief would again dominate them. Hence the bitterness was due 
to this violation of a promise solemnly given.) Kalela, one of the 
strongest of these chiefs, from a mountaineer’s point of view, was next 
chosen for punishment. A war parH^vas got together, and, and with 
Captain X-, set out to attack him. The people, being fore¬ 

warned, rushed to their canoes, and in the attack killed two and 
wounded two of the State forces. The mouth of their cave was filled 
with firewood and straw, and an attempt made to burn them out; but 
the}" escaped, as we are told, by an exit some distance off. The usual 
destruction and pillage followed, plus the burning of another village 

on the way back. In the attack Captain X-^— shot two of his own 

local natives for disobeying orders, and one of these, by name Chono- 
baruti, brother of the State capita who left here yesterday, had two 
fingers shot off; the other, Mukolokolo, was shot in the leg. Both 
are still alive. 

One of the biggest and most bloody journeys was that undertaken 

by Captain X- and Lieutenant Y-to Lubaland, extending* 

over a period of about two months. After about a ten days’ journey 
from Lufoi post, through a semisubjugated people, the very populous 
district of Chivanda was reached in Lubaland. The principal chief, 
Munongo, fled, but leaving a fat goat tied up in the middle of the 
village and a big basket of native flour as a propitiatory present to 
the white man. As he did not show himself, having learned lessons 
by bitter previous experience, his town was forthwith pillaged and 
burned, goats, fowls, pigeons, and all stock taken, and all else.destroyed. 
No prisoners were taken, though the adjacent country was scoured^ 
the people having got timely warning. The village of another big 
chief, Chikomo, was similarly treated, but as the neAvs had spread of 
the State’s approach, and the treatment meted out at Chivanda, the 
people got well away. Next Kaluira, a very large chief, hearing of 
the former burning and pillaging, fled. A number of women were 
caught in the fields and roped together, and the village was plundered 
and burned to the ground. Kayombo was the next large Luban chief 
dealt with. Having taken refuge among reeds, in a marsh, he was 
‘ caught and hungup by the feet to a palm tree; then a fire was kindled 
underneath, over Avhich he ivas slowly roasted to death. Several more 
women were added to the rope gang, and the village ivas pillaged and 
burned. 

After that, Katoro, another very large chief, living near the apex 
of western and eastern Lualaba, Avas attacked. The croAvds Avere 
fired into promiscuously, and 15 Avere killed, including 4 women and 







28 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


a baby on its mother’s breast. The heads were cut off and brought to 
the officer in charge, who then sent the men to cut off the hands also, 
and these were pierced, strung, and dried over the camp tire. The 
heads, with many others, 1 saw myself. The town, prosperous once, 
was burned, and what they could not c'ariy off was destroyed. 
Crowds of people were caught, mostly old women and young women, 
and three fresh rope gangs were added. One died shortly after from 
being driven by the butts of soldiers’ guns. These poor prisoner gangs 
were mere skeletons of skin and bone, and their bodies cut up fright- 
fulh^ with la chicotte, when I saw them. 1 have traveled with Bihean 
slave caravans, and lived among them, and seen the Portuguese Angola 
slave trade in full swing, but I think the Kongo soldiery far more 
brutal than either the Bihean or the Arab. Of course the Arab and 
Bihean slavers are kind to their slaves from a commercial point of 
view. 

Chiyombo’s very large town, which Captain X-told me it took 

him four days to devastate and burn, was next attacked. A lot of 
people were killed, and heads and hands cut off' and taken back to the 
officers. 

The wanton destruction of live stock was enormous. 

These towns were prosperous, and the center of a healtlw native 
trade in grass cloths, iron, beads, and palm oil. This was their intro¬ 
duction to the j^ellow star ffag and the State, and the same people suf¬ 
fered the bitter fruits of State misrule shortl}" afterwards, as the Batetla 
revolters pressed hard from the north, intrenched themselves hereby, 
and razed the country to the ground. When they left for Lake Kisale 
the place was a howling wilderness, and the few remaining people had 
to eke out a precarious existence in the bush. Shortly after the State 
caravans, with flags flying and bugles blowing, entered the mission 
village at Luanza, on Lake Mweru, where 1 was then alone, and I shall 
not soon forget the sickening sight of deep baskets of human heads. 
These baskets of ‘Svar trophies” were used by Msiri’s people for a big 
“kutomboka,” or war dance, to which was added the State quota of 
powder and percussion caps to celebrate their “victories.” 

Another journey was made to the Lamba country as far south as 
Ntenke’s and Katanga’s, and still another to the Luapala, with the cus¬ 
tomary plunderings and devastation. I made a journe}" ni 3 ^self to the 
copper hills in the west, to the caves, to Ntenke’s, Katanga’s, Makaka’s, 
and Katete’s, all in South Lamba, and found the sentries evei\ywhere 
living like kings, plundering, killing, and burning villages, in the 
name of the State. I append a list of the villages and chiefs at “ sentiy 
posts” known to me, and each manned b}^ two black soldiers. 

Kazembe’s, on the West Lualaba. 

Nguba, three days east of the West Lualaba. 


Kalungurni, principal Va-Sanga chief, a few hours from Kambone 
oopper mines. 

Ntenke, a big Lamba chief. South Lamba. 

Katanga, owner of some copper mines. 

Katete, a big Lamba chief. 

Nwachia, vhief of Luflra salt pans. 

• Molenga, chief of other salt pans. 

Kipazila, near Luapula. 

Kiwele, near Chinama. 



CONDITIONS IN THE KuNGO STATE. 


29 


Kasliobwe, Yeke chief, Luapula. 

Mukove, two days southeast of Lake Mweru. 

Kasong’o, Luapula. 

Kalanombe, in the Chivanda direction. 

Muvanga, Lake ^Iweru chief. 

Kalonga, Valomotwa chief. 

Kipwayila, near Luapula. 

Muj'otia, near Lake Mweru. 

Kiaka, on the mountain near Lake Mweru. 

Kayumba, Luaba chief near Kisale. 

Each of the posts was manned, as stated, by two black soldiers— 
dare-devils they—to look after State interests, chiefs, and ivorv. 

During* the incipient stages of State administration, and under Cap¬ 
tain Legat, the tirst resident official in Katanga after Msiri’s downfall, 
quiet and peace reigned, and the initiatory regime augured well for 
future relations with the natives. Upon Captain Leii’at's replacement 


by Captain X- 


pon Captai 

(then lieutenant) the pacific regime changed with 


a vengeance, and there being no State demand then for rubber, the 
collection of ivory on which I was told the officers received a large 
premium, to give impetus to their efforts, was pushed .to murder point, 
and the death penalty was verbally threatened on all Katanga chiefs 
who hid or smuggled ivory. No stone was left unturned and no means 
untried that might make the natives disgorge ivory, and armed soldiers 
and natives were let loose over the countiy, with results that are obvious 
to-day. 

Mukandu-Bantu, asMsiri II, was called, and whom Captain X- 

termed his “commander in chief,” was sent off' by him at the head of 
a large war party of armed natives—armed at State expense—on an 
ivoiy and head hunting expedition in the Chivanda direction. Mukandu- 
Bantu received strict secret instructions to punish old Kasangula, a 
Bona-Mitumba chief, who was known or reputed to have ivory, on 
pretense of having insulted his soldiers with poor food, and the net 
result was 21 heads and the same number of tusks of ivory. I saw 
the heads and war dance, and heard the story of the deceitful and 
bloody business. One of the male prisoners, I was told by eyewit¬ 
nesses, was sacrificed at the grave of old Msiri unknown to the State. 

Perhaps 3^011 will say, “ Whv did you not speak out and report 

all this?” My first experience in Katanga was Captain X-’s 

threat to imprison my colleague for denouncing these doings. Eveiy 
time I made representations these were declared impossible, or the 
answer was, “1 will ask my capita to make inquiries”—his capita 
being one of the worst blackguards in the countiy. Nothing was ever 
proved. He would not believe his soldiers would be guilty of such 
misconduct or, “Well, the\" must have carte blanche, or the natives 
would not respect the State.” Sometimes “might is right” would 
be the curt reply. What could one say? There were no judges or 
courts of appeal, and the officer, often at liis wits’ end, would say, 
“What can I do? I must get ivory. I have no law or regulation 
book. I am the only law and onl}^ god in Katanga.” 

For several 3 ’'ears, owing to the Batetla revolt, these officers received 
no European supplies Absolutem rein, and had to live entirely on the 
produce of the countiy. All labor, roads, buildings, cultivations, car¬ 
avans, etc., were unpaid for or rewarded by plunder and slaves, and 





CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 




k/ 


as a rule the soldiers and employees were paid from the loot taken 
from Bihean slave caravans or raided villages, on the plea of having* 
brought no ivory as tribute. 

Two fruitless trips to the Arab town of Chivala, on the Luapula, 
ended in loss of prestige, tents, papers, and almost the lives of the two 
officers. Shortly after this Captain Verdick arrived with an artillery 
officer and a small cannon, and arrangements wehe made for a final 
fight and break-up of Chivala’s town. He had lots of ivory, and traded 
with the Portuguese on the Zambesi, and had two small cannon. Of 
course he did lots of raiding in Arab fashion and was a small State 

within a State. Captain X-’s term of service had fully expired, 

and he was quite elated at the thought of furlough. One evening he 
said to me, ‘’Monsieur Campbell, je vais retourner en Europe mais je 
voudrais bien prendre part dans une bataille sanglante avant de partir.” 
A few weeks later they set out for the Arabs’ Chivala, and Captain 

X-, who was so keen on his “bloody battle” before leaving, was 

the first man to be shot, and died four days after. It was his successor 
who fired the cave near the Western Lualuba, where about 80 people 
perished. 

Inauguration j)f ruhher regime. —Here, on the arrival of Captain 

Y-, the rubber regime was inaugurated, and a large new-burnt 

brick fort store, mess room, officers’ quarters, etc., were built at Lukafu 
by forced labor. That was one hour distant from Moena mission sta¬ 
tion, where I then lived. 

iVfter Captain Y-, during whose term I had a change home and 

returned, Captain O-assumed command. Through him I sent a 

report of a big slave caravan of about 3,000 slaves, met in the Kongo 
State near Lake Dilolo. These had been purchased principally from 
the Batetla revolters, then entrenched at Lake Kisale. (I ma}" say here 
that the revolters, computed at 1,000 warriors, consisted of two camps— 
Batetla and Swahili, the former preponderating. The latter, though 
they joined issue when fighting against the State forces, hated the for¬ 
mer for their canibalism, being Mosleme. These revolters took to 
themselves the name of “Va Huni,” a term of the utmost reproach, 
which means “the despisers of all Europeans,” and it will take the 
fair Luba country long years to recuperate from their killing, loot¬ 
ing, and devastation.) This report* on the slave caravan, though 
signed by myself and my wife, never received a repl}^, though it 
would have given them the key to the situation from an antislaveiy 
point of view and enabled them, by means of a post on the Lutemlewe 
River, near Lake Dilolo, and others on the Kasia, to have forever 
closed the State western door against Bihean and Portuguese slavers. 
I have crossed the continent between Benguela and Mozambique 
several times, and I do not hesitate to say that the only regular slave 
trade that goes , on to a large extent is in the southern and south¬ 
western corners of the Kongo State. From the West Lualaba to 
beyond Lake Dilolo there is not a single State post, and the slave 
trade through that door is brisker than ever. The revolters, who were 
supposed to have been defeated by Major Malfeyt, in March, 1901, are 
to-day, May, 1901, as lively and as bus}^ as ever in the districts around 
the Lubidi River. Not only so, but they are well supplied with guns, 
rifles, and ammunition, and regularly suppH the Bihe and Benguela 
slave markets through Bihean and Ovimbunda traders. 







CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


31 


Under Captain O 


regime the whole countiA^ from the Lutira 


River to the Luapula River was looted of almost all sheep, goats, 
fowls, and pigeons—friendly and disloval natives sharing alike. The 
disorder in the country and amongst the soldiers brought about a small 
revolt, which was only nipped in the bud by tiniel}^ concessions to the 
soldiers, who absolute!}^ ruled the Katanga. 1 complained then, as 
before, about the abuses of the soldiers, but to no purpose. Kongo 
State soldiers were immaculate and could not be punished. 

A new officer replaced Captain O-, but did that bring a change 

of regime and better treatment to the natives? During the whole of 
his term the brutal and inconsiderate treatment of the natives all over 
his secteur was just a continuation of State policy. Close to the post 
at Lukafu, during the making of a wide road from there to the Kam- 
bone copper mines, which road passed by our mission at Koni Hill, on 
the Lutira, practically everything of market value was cleared, even 
up to our mission door. The natives were kicked and abused (to put 
it mildL), and being afraid to appeal to the judge, then come to Lukafu, 
for fear of being intercepted b}" soldiers and treated worse for daring 
to complain, the pillaging and flogging continued. Meanwhile, on 
the Luapula, similar abuses existed, and women were raped and made 
to serve both white and black, until many of the best and biggest vil¬ 
lages crossed into British territory, where the}" live in peace and are 
to-day settled contentedly under the protection of the British flag. 

The following are a few of the villages hereabouts whose chiefs have 
crossed over: 1, Chipungu; 2, Mu 3 "otia; 3, Chiva; 4, Kafwimbi; 5, 
Chilongoshi; 6, Kashiva; ‘7, Makungu; 8, Kasongo; 9, Kasandala; 10, 
Munene; 11, Kanyemba; 12, Muyamunsenga; 13, Chalwe; 11, Chi- 
kungu; 15, Mutipula; 16, Chitungu; 17, Nkango; 18, Mboto; 19, 
Chisompola; 20, Chitwambi. Up to the south bend of the Luapula 
the country on the Belgian side is empty, the people having literally 
rushed to this side for safety and protection, where they live to-da}" a 
law-abiding people and give no trouble to the government here. The 
wholesale exodus is due to Belgian raiding, the sentry system, and the 
maltreatment of the nativ^es. 

Kasongo, whom I put among the 20 villages, has just come out 
from hiding in the bush, and a few days ago got permission from the 
civil commissioner to build here. The ultimate reason of his fleeing 
was because the Belgian officer took his wives. He says he first gave him 

(M-) his niece, a young girl, whom, after living with, the officer 

sent back, taking instead one of the chief’s own wives. Then, after 
living with her, he sent her back and took by force the chief’s other 
wife, whereupon the chief, not daring to refuse, determined to flee. 
This is only one story out of thousands, for the women in these parts, 
like the men, have no redress. 

In conclusion, permit me to make the following observations: 

Treatment of natives ,—This is, and ever has been, shocking, and 
the cause of revolts, troubles, and when possible, exodus into the 
territories of other powers. The treatment of the down-trodden 
Kongolese, since State occupation, has brought about a moral and 
material degeneration. Through the gross and wholesale immorality, 
and forcing of women and girls into lives of shame, African famil}" 
life and its sanctities have been violated, and the seeds of disease, 
sown broadcast over the Kongo State, are producing their harvest 





32 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


already. Formerly native conditions put restrictions on the spread 
of disease and localized it to small areas. But the 17,000 black Kongo 
soldiers, moved hither and thither to districts removed from their 
wives and relations to suit Kongo policy, must have women wherever 
they go. and these must be provided from the district natives. " 

Native institutions, rights, and customs, which one would think ought 
to be the basis of permanent good government, are ignored. * * * 

Much of the evil in this respect is due to complete ignorance of the 
native customs and native language. There are very few chefs de 
poste who are not at the mercy of ])lack interpreters who are, as a 
rule, the gi’eatest ruffians, and frequently the most wealthy and intiu- 
ential men in the land—or, rather, become so after a few years in this 
office. For example, Mukevo, the state interpreter now at Lukafu, 
who was formerl}" a miserable slave, has now a large village, women, 
and slaves. 

Forced lahor .—There is no such thine* as freedom in the Koni>*o 


Free State, that is, freedom as we understand it. All labor is forced, 
and voluntary engagements or reenlistments, as suggested in the 
Kongo Government-s repl}^ to the British note, are a most rare occur¬ 
rence and only due to some special circumstance. The mode of get¬ 
ting police 1 once saw working. Captain O-sent to Msiri and 

other villages for workmen. A large crowd came reluctantly with 
their chiefs. Then thev were told theN^ were now soldiers. A guard 
was put over them an^ drill commenced. Great dissatisfaction was 
expressed and threats were muttered all over. As the revolters were 
then but seven or eight days’ distant, at Kisale, it only wanted a spark 
to ignite the whole, a leader to rally the people against the State, and 
every officer’s throat would have been cut and the scenes of revolt and 
bloodshed enacted elsewhere would have been reproduced in Katanga. 
Thanks to the influence of the missionaries the chiefs remained loyal. 
Carriers were sent for in the same manner, and if the prescribed num¬ 
ber were not forthcoming the chiefs and women were usualh^ tied up, 
when men would offer themselves to ransom their chiefs. Women, 
too, were impressed into service, and it was a common sight to see 
women working with babies pickaback. * * * Formerly we reck¬ 

oned fully 3,000 people in Msiri’s town, and I should say a fifth of 
these were men. To-day, the chief tells me, there are onK 30 men 
left. Man}^ of his people, he says, have been called up and dispatched 
to other parts of the State for work, mainly road making. These 
Matter have been away over a 3 *ear and do not know when they may 
be permitted to return to their homes. 

The hiayanga or sentri/ system .—This is the greatest curse which has 
befallen the once prosperous country of Katanga. Old Msiri was 
undoubtedly a tyrant, and ruled the Katanga or Garengonze kingdom 
with a rod of iron. But I do not think there was anything in his rule 
a thousandth part so execrable or so oppressive as the Kongo State 
sentiy system is. After all, with a native despot, it was native deal¬ 
ing with native on native lines and according to established African 
law. But what did the sentry system represent ? It w^as inaugurated 
to serve one end, and that was to collect all the ivory in the country 
and see that the chiefs and the hunters sold none elsewhere. Ivorv 
had to be brought, the alternative being villages burned and pillaged, 
and people taken to serve as state prisoners—that is, to build state 



CONDITrONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


O I 


buildings, plant state gardens, cut state roads, and all to the tune of the 
state chieotte. 

When two black soldiers were deputed to a sentiy post, how did 
they proceed to fulhll their duty ^ The chief’s wives were paraded, 
and village women, and several of the best looking were picked 
out to become sentries’ wives. The remainder and the men were 
then paraded and told off to ])uild (a) a large house for the white 
men, and camp for the carriers in the event of their visiting; {?)) two 
large houses for the sentries. They had to plant gardens and do 
whatever other work was required. Beer also had to be brevv^ed 
regularly and brought; goats, fowls, and other food had to be pro¬ 
duced. These sentries sometimes lived eight or ten days from any 
European officer. I hav^e known them tie up chiefs for a week in ropes 
and keep them tied until a sufficient ransom was brought. Ordinary 
natives, especially women, were being continually caught and held up 
to ransom, and the soldiers used to tell me it was the only means they 
had of obtaining calico to clothe their women. I have met them on 
the road on plundering expeditions, traveling in hammocks with from 
20 to 30 carriers—these, of course, impressed into the work—besides 
other carriers who carried their pots, cloth, provisions, and guns 
wherever they went, and helped them in their raiding, sometimes 
sharing the spoils. I say emphatically and solemnly, from what 1 
have seen, that these sentries exercise more power over the natives 
than their masters, and lived like little kings. I have complained of 
this and told the chef de poste, who would say he would inquire or 
send the interpreter to inquire; consequently no charge was ever 
prov’^ed. * * * These sentries had to appear with the chiefs before 

the.white officers each new moon, and, if the tale of tribute fell short, 
they were always in terror of punishment. It was a common practice 
to remove the sentries who were unsuccessful in securing sufficient 
iv^ory, and to replace them by others more ruffianl}^ disposed, whose 
ivory-extorting powers had been previously tested. Thus the State 
made the sentry system produce what should have been the outcome 
of honest trade. 

Free trade^ so called. —In all Katanga there is not a single trader 
outside the Comite Spvkual du Katanga, whose monopoly is thereby 
insured. The only man who did succeed in getting a trading license 
from M. Leveque, the then representative of the Compagnie du 
Katanga, was Herr Rabinek, wdiose license, etc., were signed and 
sealed in the mission premises of Luanza; and what befel him, his 
license, goods, and rubber, is now w^ell known. A Mr. (Jarson, and a 
German trader, Herr Frerk, living on the British side, tried to obtain 
trading licenses, but their applications, which 1 forwarded, to insure 

their reaching Mr. N-, the present representative of the Comite 

Special, must have been ignored, for up till now they have received 
no reply. On speaking recentl}^ with Judge Jenniges at Lukafu, I 
mentioned these matters to him, and he said: 

Of course, legally and according to State laws they must, if they force matters, 
receive a license for trade, but I don’t think they will receive it. The State will not 
cede a license where the monopoly of trade is in the hands of a big company. Tt is 
against all precedent. 

There are many other traders here who would gladly pay all license, 
costs, and irnpgrt and export dues, could permission to trade in 


S. Doc. 102,58-3-3 




34 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 

Katanga ])e obtained. But the door of Katanga is unquestionably fast 
shut to all the legitimate trade, and will be until the State’s hand is 
forced and the State becomes free in more than name. 

vf "*• * -Jt- -X- ■3f -K- 

1 hope that these details may help in the campaign against this 
legalized State iniquity. If 1 get home this year 1 shall be pleased to 
gi>e what further information I can or reply to questions arising out 
of the sulqqcts on which 1 have written. 


B. 

Conditions in the Kongo State—(jvounds for act dm hy the United 

Sta tes Go vernm en t. 

Imi’Ortant Dates in the Development of the Kongo State. 


The founding of the Kongo State resulted from the opening of cen¬ 
tral Africa through the explorations of Mr. Henry M. Stanley. An 
association was quickly formed, under the leadership of King Leopold 
of Belgium, for further exploration, with a view to occupation of the 
country. The association, having received recognition by the powers, 
became the Kongo State. 

Mr. Stanley arrives at the mouth of the Kongo, completing his 
journey across Africa, August 12, 1877. 

Comite d’Etudes du Haut-Congo, formed by King Leopold for study 
of conditions in the Kongo territory, November 20, 1878. 

Stanley revisits central Africa, under the auspices of the Comite, 
August, 1879, to June, 1882; Decem])er, 1882, to January, 1884. 

The Comite becomes International Association of the Kongo, Jan¬ 


uary, 1883. 

Tentative treaty of England with Portugal, recognizing Portuguese 
claims in west Africa as opposed to those of International Association, 
Februaiy 26, 1884. 

Recognition of international association of the Kongo b}^ the United 
States Government, April 22, 1884. 

The association promises to France a reversionary interest in its ter¬ 
ritories, April 23, 1884. 

InternationalAssociation recognized by Germany, November 8, 1884. 

Internatioual conference of fourteen powers convenes at Berlin for 
consideration of problems in Kongo territoiy, November 15, 1884, to 
January 26, 1885. 

International association recognized by Great Britain, December 16, 
1884; by Italy, December 19, 1884; by Austro-Hungaiy, December 
24, ^884; by other powers, December 27, 1884, to February 23, 1885. 

The King bequeaths to Belgium the succession to his interests in the 
Kongo State, August 2, 1889. 

International conference convenes at Brussels to devise measures for 
suppression of slave trade, November 22, 1889, to Juh^ 2, 1890. 

At this conference the Kongo State seeks and gains permission for 
imposition of import duties. 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


35 


Grounds for Action by the United States Government. 

[A synopsis of case as viewed by the conference by which memorial of April, 1904, was addressed to 

Congress, a] 

The societies composing the conference appear in the case not pri¬ 
marily as complainants, but as transmitters of testimony received by 
them which their moral responsibilit}^ requires them to make known (1). 
The defendent in the case is King Leopold, not Belgium (2). 

THE CASE UNIQUE. 

A single man claims unlimited sovereign power and proprietorship 
in a territory embracing 1,000 square miles. 

THE ORIGINAL RECOGNITION OF THE KONGO STATE. 

This recognition secured through professions of philanthropy and 
interest in the promotion of unrestricted commerce for all nations (3). 

• THE REQUEST MADE IN MEMORIAL. 

Congress is asked to take action in promotion of an impartial inves¬ 
tigation of present conditions in the Kongo State. 


1 For relation of missionaries to the issue, see in general pp. 16, 17 of memorial. 
Cf. Rev. J. H. Weeks in letter to Kongo officials: “I deeply regret having to write 
this letter to you, but I can not sit quietly and see these unfortunate folk crushed 
out of existence by oppression and cruelty without making a protest in the name of 
religion and humanity.” 

Compare also: “A white officer unacquainted with the missionary whom he was 
addressing, after a cruel raid, jokingly remarked that he had killed many people and 
secured a fine lot of curios. He said that while his soldiers were firing upon the 
villages the people ran wildly about crying, ‘Sheppite, Sheppite.’ It was their 
name for Rev. W, H. Sheppard, whom they were beseeching to come to their aid.”— 
(Cited in Memorial to Congress, p. 17.) 

2 ‘‘The union between Belgium and the new State shall be exclusively personal.”— 
(Action of Belgium Parliament, April, 1885.) 

Belgium holds treaty relations with the Kongo State substantially identical with 
those sustained by other powers. 

3 “Our only programme, I am anxious to repeat, is the work of moral and material 
regeneration.” — (King Leopold, 1885.) 

“The objects of this society are philanthropic. It does not aim at permanent 
political control, but seeks the neutrality of the valley.”—(Message of President 
Arthur, December, 1883.) 

“ The fundamental idea of this programme is to facilitate the access of all commer¬ 
cial nations to the interior of Africa.”—(Prince Bismarck’s opening address as Presi¬ 
dent of Berlin Conference.) 

Compare also representations made at Brussels: 

“When we have made sufficient progress in all directions to allow of the natives 
asking for our protection, and when we are strong enough to grant it, no one will 
venture any longer to capture our transport slaves.”—(Report Kongo Administra¬ 
tion read at Brussels Conference.) 

“For Belgian trade, as for that of traders of every nationality established in our 
territories, we have an equal solicitude. All appreciate the security they enjoy under 
the. Kongo Government.”—(Remarks of Representative of Kongo State in Confer¬ 
ence at Brussels.) ■* 

Compare also Supplement, pars. 1, 2. 


«For memorial see Senate Document No. 282, Fifty-eighth Congress, second session. 






36 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


GROUNDS UPON WHICH THE REQUEST IS MADE. 


I. An impartial inquiry is demanded in view of prevalent reports of 
grave abuses in the administration of the Kongo State. 

The reports are sufficient in volume and definiteness to justify and 
require impartial investigation. 

Thev present a dreadful catalogue of alleged wrongs, involving accu¬ 
sation of excessive cruelties, massacres, mutilations, cannibalism, and 
the threatened extermination of tribes and depopulation of large 
territories. 


They imply not exceptional instances of inhumanity, but its preva¬ 
lence throughout the vast rubber district as the result of the system 
maintained by the State. 

The witnesses represented in the reports include: 

(1) Missionaries of all American and P^nglish societies having work 
in the Kongo, and of all stations of these societies which are in the 
vicinity of the rubber-producing district (4). 

The missionary a reluctant witness. It is his desire, and it is for 
his interest, to seek the favor of government. The peril of charge of 
disloyalt}" (5). 

The silence of Belgian missionaries not unnatural, in view of their 
two-fold relation with the king (6). Their testimony, if favorable to 


4 See memorial to Congress, pages 7, 23-52, 

See also “King Leopold’s Rule in Africa,” by E. D. Morel, and “Civilization in 
Kongo Land,” by H. R. Fox Bourne. 

5 “The governor made inquiry concerning the atrocities which he had reported, 
and finally said to him: ‘If you continue to demand investigation in these matters 
we will make a charge against you. The natives say you have told them not to 
bring india rubber to the State.’ He denied this, but was again threatened by the 
governor, who said: ‘That means five years’ imprisonment.’”—(From interview 
with Rev. E. Y. Sjoblom, Ikoko, Africa.) 

Compare report of governor-general of the Kongo State in recent issue of Official 
Bulletin: “Certain officers have complained of the arrogant attitude the native 
population assumes when it has been subjected to certain influences. One can not 
escape the fact that this situation reveals itself in the neighborhood of certain 

* * * * missionary posts. * * * I have already called the attention of the Gov¬ 
ernment to this grave situation and to the measures it is likely to entail if it con¬ 
tinues. Already our local officers have found it necessary to act in order to safe¬ 
guard the authority of the State, and if it is necessary the governor-general will con¬ 
sider the advisability of making use of the means that the decree of September 15, 
1889, puts at his disposal in the case of strangers who use their influence over the 
natives against the State.” 

Compare letter of Rev. Mr. Harris, written at Baringa, July 2, 1904, printed in 
London News: 

“ I called the judge’s attention to the imprisonment of women and children, who 
would not be released until their husbands and fathers satisfied the rubber demand. 

* * * In June sentries were sent into the towns with instructions to forbid any 
individuals going to the mission schools and services. Thus instead of two hundred 
or three hundred we had not a soul.” 

6 “The Belgian missionaries are subjects of their king, which at once makes 
their position very difficult. Then, again, all these Belgian establishments on the 
Kongo receive grants from the Kongo Government, and it would be a very serious 
matter, indeed, for them if they were to say publicly what they know to be the case 
and what some of them privately write to their friends.”—(E. D. Morel in New 
York Evening Post, October, 1904.) C. f. Debate in Belgian Parliament. Supple¬ 
ment, pars. 5^67. 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 87 

the Government, should not fail of consideration in the impartial 
inquiry sought. 

(2) W itnesses of many callings—travelers, explorers, consular resi¬ 
dents, and men formerly agents of the State (7). 

The testimon}" of Mr. Glave, an honored companion of Mr. 

Stanle}’' (8). 

The detailed report of Roger Casement, British consul, after a jour¬ 
ney made through interior districts (9). 

Testimony of M. Pickard, a Belgian senator (10).^^ 

Counter testimony explained in part as relating to other than the 
rubber districts (11) as due to admiration for public works from which 

7 See, e. g., testimony of Mr. Ewart S. Grogan in “From the Cape to Cairo;” Mr. 
Pickersgill, British consul, in “Official Report, 1898;” Colonel Williams, an ex- 
officer in King Leopold’s army, “Affairs of West Africa,” p. 320; Major Par- 
minter, “Civilization in Congo Land,” pp. 132-134; M. Moray, ex-agent of Conces- 
sionarie Company, “Civilization in Congo Land,” p. 52; M. Pickard, Belgian 
Senator, “ En Congolie,” pp. 95-97; Mr. Joseph Conrad, novelist, quoted in London 
Morning Post, October, 1904, etc. See, also, “King Leopold’s Rule in Africa,” by 
E. D. Morel, and “Civilization in Kongo Land,” by H. R. Fox Bourne. 

8 Mr. E. J. Glave, having been associated with Mr. Stanley in the earlier days in 
Africa, revisited the Kongo after an absence of six years. His record of his experi¬ 
ences as he made his way over the route followed previously with Mr. Stanley is 
given in articles “New Conditions in Central Africa,” in the Century Magazine, 
vols. 53, 54. At first he is perplexed and incredulous. Successive entries in his 
journal show'the growdh of his deep indignation and abhorrence. For citations, see 
Memorial to Congress, pp. 7, 9, and pamphlet “Treatment of AVomen and Children 
in the Congo State,” pp. 3, 5-10. 

For warm commendation of Mr. Glave by Stanley, see “Introduction” to Glave’s 
volume, “Six Years in the Congo.” 

9 “ Meanw'hile Mr. Roger Casement, permanent British consul in the Congo State, 
an official ‘ofwude African experience,’ had been conducting a personal investiga¬ 
tion in the Upper Congo. The appalling account of his experience is now before the 
world.”—(“ King Leopold’s Rule in Africa,” p. xiv.) 

“Mr. Casement has never forgotten, in the course of his report, that he was a 
machine sent to record in a spirit of calm judicial impartiality the sights he wit¬ 
nessed, and he performed his task with marvelous self-restraint.” 

“ The British Government has placed in the hands of all the Powders the report of 
Mr. Casement. The British premier declared publicly that the proof of the exist¬ 
ence of grave abuses was overwhelming. ” 

“We submit herewith his painstaking and comprehensive testimony, the straight- 
forw^ard, regretful fidelity of which, we think, can not fail to be apparent to every 
fair-minded reader.”—(Memorial to Congress, p. 9. For document, see Memorial, 
pp. 72-136.) 

10 After a journey in the Kongo State in 1896, M. Pickard writes of the “ muti¬ 
lated forests where until lately villages had nestled;^ great heaps of cinders amid 
desolated palm groves and trampled-down banana fields.” He adds: “The terror 
caused by the memory of inhuman Hoggings and massacres haunts their brains, and 
they go as fugitives to the hospitable bush or across the frontiers.”—(“ En Congolie,” 
p. 95). 

11 Compare Sir Harry Johnston, quoted as a defender of the King: “My owm 
reports of the administration of the Kongo Free State referred only to a small por¬ 
tion of the northeastern zone.” See, also, statement of Mr. Grenfell and other 
members of “Natives’ Protection Commission,” in AATiite Book, Africa, page 21, No. 
10—that “it was only possible for them to act within the very narrow scope of their 
personal experience in* the low'er country, far removed from the immense rubber 
districts.” 


«For remarkable debate in Belgian Parliament, see Supplement, pars. 54-67. 








38 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


the native derives no advantage (12) or as former earlier testimony 
afterwards repudiated (13). 

The later judgment of Mr. Stanley (Id). 

Testimony favorable to the Kongo State should receive recognition 
in the impartial investigation asked. Jt does not constitute a reason 
for refusing investigation. 

THE POSITIVE TESTIMONY TO THE EXISTENCE OF GRAVE WRONGS IS REENFORCED BY 

ACKNOWLEDGED FACTS WHICH GIVE PLAUSIBILITY TO REPORTS OF PREVALENCE OF 

ATROCITIES. 

(1) The avowed polic}^ of the King is that of taxation by enforced 
labor (15). 

(2) In securing enforcement of labor, the King's policy is that of 
pitting representatives of one tribe against other tribes (see Verner, 
article in Forum), July, lOOd (16). 

12 Compare expression in editorial in New York Times, October 1, 1904: 

“We have examined with some care the statement of the Belgian Minister to this 
country in the current number of the North American Review with reference to 
“Conditions in the Kongo Free State.” If the article was intended as a refutation 
in advance of the memorial that will be laid before the President by Mr. Morel, the 
honorary secretary of the Kongo Reform Association, we fear that it will prove 
inadequate. It can be admitted without hesitation that the commercial progress of 
the Kongo State is all that Baron Moncheur represents it, without meeting the 
charges of cruelty and greed that are brought- against the Belgian officials in the 
Kongo State. These charges have been brought forward by the Kongo Reform 
Association in detail and with evidence of much apparent force.” 

Compare statement of Mr. Casement as to native hospital and Government works 
at Leopoldville: “The native hospital is an unseemly place. 1 found seventeen 
sleeping-sickness patients, male and female, lying about in the utmost dirt * * * ^ 
one (a woman) had fallen into the-tire just prior to my arrival. She had been well 
bandaged, but was still lying out on the ground, with her head almost in the fire. 

* * * All were very near their end, and two days later I found one of them lying 
dead out in the open. * * * In somewhat striking contrast, * * * i found 
within a couple of hundreds of yards the Government workshop for repairing and 
fitting the steamers. Here all was brightness, care, order, and activity, and it was 
impossible not to admire and commend the industry which created and maintained 
this useful establishment.”—(For full statement, see page 74, IMemorial to Congress.) 

13 Compare Sir Harry Johnston: “In the Itura district I saw nothing to take 
exception to; but the report of Consul Casement, whom I know to be a competent, 
trustworth}', and absolutely impartial official of great experience in various parts of 
Africa, convinces me that the charges of maladministration of native affairs in the 
north and central parts of the Kongo Free State are only too well founded.” 

14 “The last year of his (Stanley’s) life was certainly embittered by the growing: 
conviction that he had been the indirect means of placing in the Kongo basin a 
power more unscrupulous and disastrous in its result than might have grown up 
under the flag of Islam.”—(Sir Harry Johnston, an intimate friend of Mr. Stanley^ 
in “Good Words,” August, 1904.) 

15 The King’s defense of the policy of compulsory lalior. 

“The legality of taxes is not affected by the mode of payment. 

“As they (the natives of the Kongo) have no money, a contribution in the shape 
of labor is required from them. 

“Payment of taxes is obligatory everywhere, and nonpayment involves measures 
of compulsion.”—(Reply of King’s representative to British Parliament.) 

16 “ The secret of the King’s success is in controlling the natives by pitting one 
tribe against another. 

“ As soon as any district had been brought under the control of the whites, and 
the native had been rendered tractable, the soldiery was immediately recruited from 
the latter, and was almost always sent away to (listant tribes, which it could be 
used to subjugate and control. This last policy is the keynote of the whole system* 
Leopold governs one African tribe with soldiers recruited from another. Many a 
State post has been manned by less than half a dozen white men with hundreds of 
these black soldiers in the midst of hostile population. It is a most extraordinary 
phenomenon. The adage ‘ divide and conquer ’ was never better illustrated. ”— (S. P. 
Verner (quoted as defender of Kongo State) in Forum, July, 1904.) 







CONfJITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


89 


Native soldiers, regular and irregular, miinber nearly 30,000, being 
greath^ in excess of the niilitary force of colonial powers in West 
Africa (IT). 

The soldiery described by Mr. Glav^e and M. Pickard as of savage 
ferocity (18). 

(8) The great excess of exports over imports an indication of 
abnormal and oppressive conditions (19). 

(d) The King's persistent opposition to an impartial investigation, 
vyhich should secure him a notable vindication, is not easily accounted 
for upon the theory of innocence of wrong. 

Neither members of Congress nor our citizens are asked to accept 
the reports of atrocities as conclusive. The request made in the 
memorial asks only that Congress shall favor an impartial investiga¬ 
tion of existing conditions. , 


THE INADEQUACY OF ANY INVESTIGATION CONDUCTED BY THE KING. 

The King himself the accused part 3 ^ 

The natives dare not give testimony in an investigation conducted 
b}^ the Government under which they suffer. Instances of intimida¬ 
tion (20). 

The proposal of investigation by the King "‘at once a confession of 
the need of incjuiry and an attempt to prevent it.”—(New York Times 
( 21 ).) 


17 The army outnumbers the force maintained in West Africa by England, France, 
and Germany combined. 

18 “Their ferocity equals that of a pack of hounds hunting their quarry.”—(M. 
Pickard, Belgian senator, “En Congolie,” p. 201.) 

“The black soldiers are bent on fighting and raiding; they have good rifles aiuk 
ammunition * * * and want to shoot and kill and rob, whether the victim be 

man, woman, or child.”—(E. J. Glave, Century Magazine, vol. 53, p. 908. Cf. in 
Supplement, pars. 55-57.) 

Compare description of sentry given liy Mr. Pickersgill in “Report on Kongo 
Independent State.” “A sentry on the Kongo is a dare-devil aboriginal, chosen 
from troops impressed outside the district in which he serves * * * armed with 
a rifle. * * * He is located in a native village to see that the labor for which its 

inhabitants are responsible is duly attended to. If they are india-rubber collectors, 
his duty is to semi the men into the forests and take note of those who do not return 
with the proper quantity. In every matter connected with the government he is 
the factotum, as far as that village is concerned, of the officer of the district.” 

■ 19 Of ten African possessions of European powers, all but two show a large excess 
of imports over exports. The Kongo State shows (1889-1902) imports of $17,500,000; 
exports, $37,000,000. Of this importation, 70 per cent represents supplies for Govern¬ 
ment, stores for the railway, arms, and ammunition. During the four years cited 
exports in the Kongo State have increased by 40 per cent; imports diminished by 25 
per cent. “These figures alone show wherein the policy of King Leopold, as applied 
in the Kongo, differs from that of every civilized administration. The india rubber 
which comes from that great country, where the native alone can gather it, is not 
bought, but forced out of the people by the lash and rifle.”—(E. D. Morel, article in 
Boston Transcript, October 24, 1904. cf. Supplement, par. 69.) 

20 The victims of a shocking outrage, when told by an amazed visitor that they 

should complain to the State, replied: “We should not be believed; they would put 
us in chains at once;” and when told they should carry the bodies of their murdered 
dead in canoes to the official, they replied: “ We never could get past the sentries.” 
—(Memorial to Congress.) “The chief informed the sentinel that he would report 
to the commissary that the sentinel had killed his father * ^ * then he went 

away from the villaga * * * But the sentinel caught the chief * * * they 
flogged him until the blood streamed down his back, * * * The soldier took his 
gun and leveled it close to the chief’s heart. The chief stood shivering with fear, 
and the sentinel said: ‘ I can kill you if I like.’ ”—(Rev. E. V. Sjoblom (deceased), 
late of Ikoko, Africa.) 

21 For full statement see Supplement, par. 3. 




40 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


THE CL/IM MADE BY THE KING THAT SUBMISSION TO ANINTERNATIONAL INVESTIGA¬ 
TION IS INCONSISTENT M’lTH THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE KONGO STATE. « 


The sovereignty of the Kongo State is definitely limited by engage¬ 
ments made with the conference of Berlin and the conference of Brus¬ 
sels (22). 

The conferences declared themselves guardians of the people of the 
Kongo basin (23). 

These conferences definitely reserved the right to review and revise 
the agreement entered into b}^ their members (24). 

The King conceded the guardianship of the powers by appealing to 
the conference at Brussels for such revision of the action at Berlin as 
would permit imposition of import duties. 

Promotion of the well-being of the natives was involved as definitely 
in the engagement at Berlin as provision for freedom of trade; and 
investigation of reported dereliction respecting either feature of the 
engagement falls Avithin the jurisdiction of the powers Avith whom the 
engagement was made. 

II. An international inquiiy is demanded, not only for investiga¬ 
tion of reports.of atrocities, but for consideration of other issues with 
which a commission created b}" the King is obviously incompetent to 
deal. 

(1) The King’s claim of exclusive ownership of a vast territorial 
domain, as respects both land and products. 

Eight hundred thousand square miles of territoiw are held to be the 
King’s property, the natives being represented as robbers if using or 
selling its products, and the foreign trader being subject to punish¬ 
ment if attempting to buy any product of a native (25). 


22 “The Kongo State is soA-ereigii no less than the other countries. * * * Her 
sovereignty is merely confined by certain limits, of which one is formed by Article 
IV of the general act of Berlin.”—(Remarks of representative of Aiistro-Hiingary, 
conference of Brussels, June 17, 1890.) 

See like statement by Kongo representative at Brussels, Supplement, par. 4. 

23 “ With regard to these native populations, the conference must assume the posi¬ 
tion of an official guardian. * * * The necessity of insuring the preservation of 
the natives, * * * the obligation to instruct them and initiate them into the 
advantages of civilation, * * * are unanimously recognized.”—(General act of 
Berlin conference.) 

Compare in supplement, pars. 5, 6, “to watch over * * * the natiA’e tribes.”— 
(For similar attitude at Brussels, compare language of act in supplement, par. 41, 
“ Efficiently protecting the aboriginal population.”) 

24 “The signatory ])ower8 of the present general act reserve to themselves the 
right to introduce into it subsequently, and by common accord, such modifications 
and improvements as experience may show to be expedient.”—(General act of Ber¬ 
lin conference, article 36. For corresponding action at Brussels, see Supplement, 
par. 7. 

For definition of status of Kongo State by Belgian jurist, see Supjilement, par. 8. 

25 The King’s defense of his policy as to trade. 

“The native who collects on behalf of the owner does not become the owner of 
what is collected, and naturally can not dispose of it to a third party. * * * 
Never hi the Kongo * * * have requests to buy natural produce been addressed 
to the rightful OAvners. * * * The only attempts have been to buy the produce 
that has been stolen. * * * There are no longer any unappropriated lands there 
(in the Kongo State).”—(Reply of King’s representati\’-e to British Parliament.) 

“The policy of appropriation of the natives’ land and the products thereof is the 
key to the whole Kongo problem. 

“Hitherto the native had been looked upon by the merchants established in the 


«For amazing claim that even Belgium may not make inquiry regarding conditions 
in the Kongo State, see Supplement, par. 64. 














CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


41 


This involves for the natives permanent loss of ancestral rights to 
gather products, to fish and hunt; permanent denial of hope of acquir¬ 
ing lands or the privilege of trading; deprivation of healthful motives 
for labor; subjection to force as the alternative for healthful motives. 

The polic}^ involves for all peoples: 

^ Closing of the door to commercial fields representing a territor}" four 
times as large as the German Empire and rivaling China in latent pos¬ 
sibilities (26). 

Disappointment of the reasonable expectation of large expansion of 
trade for European powers and for the United States, created by the 
representations made b}" the Kongo Government (27). 

Infidelity to the definite understanding (28) reached at the confer¬ 
ence at Berlin and violation of pledges made to that conference (29) 
and to the individual powers (30) by which freedom of trade was guar¬ 
anteed for all peoples (31). 

The claim that sovereignty involves the right to wholesale monopo¬ 
lization of the territory and its products can not be regarded as valid 
in the case of the Kongo State. 


country as the owner of the products of the soil which the merchants wished to 
acquire by legitimate purchase, as everywhere else in Western Africa. Commercial 
relationship had been established in the ordinary way, and long before the Kongo 
State had come into existence, the native, attracted by the merchandise offered for 
sale by the white man, gathered the produce of the forests and brought it to the 
factory for sale. * * * The native is relegated from the position of owner of the 

forest products, which he has been accustomed to sell, to that of a lawless and owner¬ 
less serf on the estate of ‘Bula Matadi.’ ”—(Morel in Leopold’s Rule in Africa, pp. 
32, 33. Cf. Supplement, pars. 74-77.) 

As to commercial houses formerly in Kongo State, see Supplement, par. 9. 

For general view of promises and performance as to trade, see Supplement, 68-77. 

26 “The importance of the rich prospective trade of the Kongo Valley has led to 
the general conviction that it should be open to all nations on equal terms.”—(Mes¬ 
sage of President Arthur, December, 1884. Cf. Supplement, pars. 10-12.) 

27 “Soon these millions of people inhabiting the interior of Africa will, under the 
inspiring influence of civilization, become purchasers of every kind of provision, 
manufactured goods, agricultural implements, etc., and I can see no reason whj^ the 
people of the United States should not come in for a large share of the valuable trade 
which must soon be developed in this region.”—(Letter of Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. 
Tisdel, 1884.) 

See address of Mr. Stanley at Manchester, England, Supplement, par. 13. 

28 It is plain that freedom for the individual trader and trade with the natives 
was contemplated.—(Cf. Supplement, pars. 69, 70.) 

“No doubt whatever exists as to the strict and literal sense which should be applied 
to the term‘in commercial matters.’ It refers * * * to traffic, to the unlimited 

power of every one to sell and to buy, to import and to export products and manufac¬ 
tured articles.* * * * No privileged situation can be created under this head. 

The way remains open without any restrictions to free competition in the domain of 
commerce.”—(Report of Commission at Berlin conference. ) 

“It is not sufficient for all our merchants to enjoy equally theyight of buying the 
oil, gums, and ivory of the country, and to sell goods of an equivalent value which 
the natives receive in exchange. It would only be a paltry outlet for the vast pro¬ 
ductive forces of Europe and America. Productive labor must be seriously encour¬ 
aged, and the means of the inhabitants of acquiring the products of civilized nations 
be thus increased.”—(Remarks of Mr. Kasson at Berlin.) 

Compare Mr. Stanley, Supplement, par. 14; see also statement at Brussels, Supple¬ 
ment, par. 15, as to great development of trade then reached. 

29 “The trade of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom.” “No power shall be 

at liberty to grant either monopolies or privileges * * * in commercial mat¬ 

ters.”—(Act of Berlin, Articles I and V.) 

30 See e. g., in Treaty of State with Great Britain, Supplement, par. 16. 

31 See Supplement, pars. 17, 18, 19, 20; cf. 21. 

On complete destruction of trade, see pars. 72, 73, 74. 







42 


"CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


If 80 extreme a claim, involving’complete extinction of native rights, 
were tolerable in respect of sovereign powers in general, when assum¬ 
ing administration over a dependent people in a newly opened territory, 
it would appear to be voided in this instance by the limitation upon 
sovereignty involved in the engagements made bj’ the Kongo State 
with the powers (32). For this policy of monopolization is plainl}- 
antagonistic to that material and moral well-being of the people which 
the State pledged itself to conserve (33), as well as to rights in trade 
guaranteed to other nations. 

In any view it would appear that this monopolistic s^'stem is so 
related to engagements made by the State that it should receive the 
attention of the powers committed to guardianship of the native people. 

(2) The king’s assertion of sovereign rights, unlimited b}^ any form 
of relation to the powers (34). 

This creates occasion for judicial decision as to the international rela¬ 
tions of the king’s government. 

Possibly it should involve consideration of certain questions never 
3 "et adjudicated by the powers. 

In what way did the rule of the “International Association” become 
the independent unlimited sovereignty of the head of that associa¬ 
tion? (35). 


32 “It would appear that the special conditions under which the Kongo State 
came into existence * * * the obligations which it voluntarily assumed as a 
signatory of the Berlin act * * * placed it in a different position from that held 
by other States.”—(H. Fox Bourne.) 

33 “Freedom of trade was * * * established (by the general act of Berlin) 
in the interests not only of civilization, but of the native races of Africa, with a view 
to improve their lot and to hasten their progress toward a better state.”—(Lord 
Vivian in Brussels conference, July 2, 1890.) 

The broad distinction between the holding of public lands for the people with a 
view to their ultimate benefit, and the holding of all lands from the people with a 
view to the sovereign’s enrichment, should not be forgotten.—(Cf. Supplement, par. 
62. See, in general, pars. 60, 61. ) 

“The interpretation of territorial sovereignty in terms of absolute ownership 
reduced in the course of three hundred years the free population of Europe to a con¬ 
dition of feudal servitude. By a similar fiction King Leopold has reduced the whole 
population of the Kongo to a condition of slavery.”—(R. E. Park.) 

“As for the villagers themselves they are no longer men, but weary slaves. All 
day long, and for days together, in the forests getting rubl)er, striving to satisfy an 
insatiable demand, unmercifully dogged if the amount gathered falls short of the 
amount required, wandering ever farther adeld, away from their homes, unable to 
attend to their plantations, demoralized, degraded, all the manhood driven out of 
them.”—(E. D. Morel in King Leopold’s Rule in Africa, p. 38.) 

34 “A heresy in international law has been imagined, viz, that a State, the inde¬ 
pendence and sovereignty of which are absolute, should at the same time owe its 
position to the intervention of foreign powers.”—(Reply of king’s representative to 
British Parliament, September 17, 1903.) 

35 There is no record of action by the association, which had been recognized as 
a State. Apparently the only action taken was that of the Belgian Chamber of Rep¬ 
resentatives and Senate, which on the 28th of April, 1885, and 30th of April passed 
the concurrent resolution: “His Majesty Leopold II, King of the Belgians, is author¬ 
ized to be the king of the State formed in Africa by the International Association of 
the Kongo.” Notification to the foreign powers of the king’s acdion was made on the 
1st of August, 1885. 

By what authorization did the king, when becoming ruler, assume the position of 
an absolute sovereign rather than a position allied to that held by him in Belgium as 
“one of the trustees of the national sovereignty?”—(Cf. Prof! Cattier, pp. 20, 21, 
“Leopold’s Rule in Africa.”) 


\ 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


45 


Does the power—pevtaining only to absolute despotism—of be¬ 
queathing’ sovereignt}^ at will belong to the king and to his successors? 

here are the “Free States*’ whose existence was affirmed when 
original recognition was given the International Association of the 
Kongo? (o6). 

Is the king legitimate successor to whatever powers were given by 
native chiefs to the “ Societe d’Etudes du Haiit-Congo”—an organiza¬ 
tion which in receiving their allegiance committed itself to pledges 
which the king apparenth^ has not fultilled? (37) 

The existing situation gives to these issues a grave importance not 
recognized when the king was supposed to be loyal in purpose to all 
professions of the international association. The powers should decide 
whether the}^ are debarred now from considering them. 

Consideration of these questions relating to fundamental international 
jurisprudence, and the rendering of judgment upon the commercial 
policj' of the king, obviously lie outside the jurisdiction of a local 
tribunal created b}" the king and require the convening of an inter¬ 
national bodv. 


36 “The International Association of the Kongo hereby declares that by treaties 
with the legitimate sovereigns in the basins of the Kongo * * * there has been 
ceded to it territory for the use and benefit of free States established and being estab¬ 
lished under the care and supervision of the said association.” — (Mr. Sanford, repre¬ 
senting International Association, in exchange of declarations with the United States.) 

See language of act of recognition by the United States, “the interests of the free 
States there established.”—(Supjdement, par. 22.) 

You were designated as agent to the States of the Kongo Association because it was 
believed here that the residents of the region adjoining and including the Kongo Val¬ 
ley seemed on the verge of establishing constitutional States by progressive move¬ 
ment in that direction.— (Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Tisdel, commercial agent,. 
December 12, 1884.) 

37 Compare: “They pledge the association ‘ to promote to its utmost the prosperity 

of the country,’ and ‘to protect its inhabitants from all oppression.’ ” (H. R. Fox 

Bourne, “Civilization in Kongo Land,” p. 44.) 

For sample of the treaties, see Supplement, par. 78. 

See statement of Mr. Fox Bourne: “As regards another treaty, which was aban¬ 
doned after the exposure of its character, we had a report from the British consul at 
Luanda. * * * The chiefs, to whom the treaty was correctly translated, were 

much surprised at the conditions, and declared that they never understood the full 
meaning of the treaty imposed upon them; that they had no wish to sell their lands 
on those terms; that they were given to understand that the expedition intended to- 
establish a factory, and not that they were to prohibit others putting trading houses 
in their district or to be called upon for men to construct roads.” 

Compare letter of IMr. Tisdel, commercial agent of United States, to Mr. Freling¬ 
huysen, June 29, 1885: “There is no government of any kind in the valley of the 
Kongo. Makoko and other great kings claim absolute control over many tribes, but 
such is not the case. * * * A treaty made between a white man and one of the 
kings can not be depended upon. If land is transferred to you to-day by treaty * * * 
I may come along to-morrow and, with two or three bottles of gin I can purchase 
the same land from the same king with whom you have dealt. I repeat, there is no 
government in the valley of the Kongo.” 

“ Most of the treaties were in respect of lands in lower Kongo already put to con¬ 
siderable use by the Dutch, Portuguese, French, and English traders.” (Civilization 
in Kongo Land, p. 68.) 

“Most of the treaties were probably as valid as such documents generally are, 
implying, as they do, the assent of native communities to the surrender or weakening 
of their rights and privileges by chiefs not competent to take such action and not 
themselves aware of the consequences of their rash proceedings.” (Civilization in 
Kongo Land, p. 45.) 






44 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


RELATION OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT TO THE ISSUE PRE¬ 
SENTED BY CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 

The success achieved the International Association of the Kongo 
in gaining I'ecognized standing as a State administering government in 
the Kongo territory is traceable in a marked degree to the favor and 
active aid extended to the association by the Imited States Government. 

Approving the enterprise for neutralization of the newly opened 
territory in Africa, and for the uplifting of its people, in which the 
international association professedly was engaged, our Government 
lent its inliuence strongly in support of this enterprise (38). 

Our Government was first among the powers to extend recognition 
to the International Association of the Kongo (39). 

This action by our Government resulted in defeat of the effort of 
Portugal to maintain its claims in the Kongo basin and in ultimate 
recognition of the international association by European powers (40). 

Our associate representative in the Berlin conference was chosen 
because, through his connection with the international association, 
his appointment would secure representation for that association in 
the conference (41). 

In the Berlin conference request was made, in the name of the Presi¬ 
dent of the United States, that the international association should be 
granted by the powers the largest possible concession of territoiy (42). 

.38 “It was evident that soon the territory would be exposed to the dangerous rival¬ 
ries of coflicting nationalties. There was even danger of its being so appropriated as 
to exclude it from free intercourse for a large part of the civilized world. It was the 
earnest desire of the Government of the United States that these discoveries should 
be utilized for the civilization of the native races and for the abolition of the slave 
trade. * * * He (the President of the United States) regards this local govern¬ 
ment as an assurance * * * that the blacks will learn from it that the civilization 
and the dominion of the white man mean for them peace and freedom and the 
development of useful commerce, free to all the world.”—(Address of :\lr. Kasson 
at Berlin Conference, second session.) 

39 For language of act of recognition see Supplement, par. 22. Cf. 24, 2-5. 

For naturalness of appeal to United States see Supplement, par. 23. 

40 “This (the treaty of Great Britain with PortugalJ seemed to be the deathblow 
to the Avork of the association; but, however dark the future of the African associa¬ 
tion might seem, there was soon to be a change, for in April, 1884, the United States 
recognized the flag of the international association.”—(Pr. J. S. Beeves, in “ Internat. 
Beginnings of Kongo State.”) 

“The recognition by the United States was the birth into new life of the associa¬ 
tion, seriously menaced as its existence was by opposing interests and ambitions.”— 
(Mr. Stanley, “The Kongo,” vol. 1, p. 383.) 

41 “Aftercareful reflection upon the probable phases of discussion and the central 
position in them of the African International Association in antagonism with Portugal 
and France, I believed it would be beyond doubt useful to have the assistance of Mr. 
Sanford, who has successfully presented the claims of that association to me for 
recognition. Even a stronger motive was the usefulness of an associate * * * who 
can devote his time to those outside preliminary conversations which often shape the 
action of the conference in advance.”—(Mr. Kasson to Mr. Frelinghuysen, October 
24, 1884.) 

Compare Mr. Kasson’s note to Mr. Stanley: “ It is believed the international asso¬ 
ciation would also desire your presence here.”—(October 20, 1884.) 

42 “He (the President of the United States) desires to see in the delimitation of 
the region which sliall be subjected to this beneficent rule (of the International Asso¬ 
ciation of the Kongo) the widest expansion consistent with the just territorial rights 
of other governments.”—(Mr. Kasson at Berlin conference, second session.) 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


45 


The influence of our representatives at Berlin was confessedly gT'eat, 
both within the conference and in outside negotiations, in securing* 
adjustment of difficulties between the international association and the 
powers with a view to full recognition of the association, and in 
shaping the general action of the conference (43). 

The right of a party, influenced by questionable professions and 
apparently defeated in a noble purpose, belongs to the United States 
Government. 

The right and legal standing of a member of the family of nations 
belong to the United States Government (44). 

This must be held to involve a right to show favor to a proposition 
for inquiry into current reports of atrocities in the Kongo State. 

It must be held to involve also, if conditions are thought sufficiently 
serious, right of protest, and, in the last resort, of intervention. 

The right and legal standing belonging to all powers whose action 
gave to the Kongo State its recognized standing obviously are shared 
by the United States Government. 

This recognition w'as secured to the Kongo Government by action 
of individual powers and not primarily by any conference as such (45). 

The conferences at Berlin and Brussels dealt with issues which, in 
international relations, are of a subordinate character. Thev restricted 

43 “So marked was the acceptance by the conference of the views presented on 
the part of the United States that Herr Von Bunsen, reviewing the action of the 
conference, assigns after Germany the first place of influence in the conference to the 
United States.”—(IVIr. Kasson in North American Review, February, 1886.) 

“The protocols show how many clauses were changed on the suggestion of the 
American minister.”—(Mr. Kasson in N. A. Review, February, 1886.) 

Compare statement of Mr. Sanford as to the service rendered by him at Brussels. 
See Supplement, par. 26. 

In general, for influence of United States Government in re Kongo State, see Sup¬ 
plement, par. 27. 

44 “The claims of common humanity give both duties and rights to all of the 
organized peoples of the world.”—(Boston Herald, November, 1904, editorial on 
Russo-Japanese war.) 

Compare “ Man hunting is an act of treason against humanity. * * * It is the 

negation of all law, of all social order. It must be suppressed wherever this is pos¬ 
sible on land as well as on sea.”—(Report of commission at Berlin conference.) 

45 “It is impossible for us to determine the due and proper weight to be given 
by government to the declaration and claim of right to advantages guaranteed by 
the act of Berlin pertaining to neutrality. * * * But this reservation is wholly 
distinct from the recognition of the sovereign status of the independent State of the 
Kongo, which does not rest upon the conventional arrangements contemplated by 
the conference of Berlin.”—(Mr. Bayard to Mr. Tree, minister to Belgium, 1885.) 

“The relationship of recognition and earnest good will is complete of itself and 
apart from any conventional relationship flowing from or defined by the general act 
of the conference at Berlin.”—(Mr. Bayard to My Van Eetveld, secretary of state for 
Kongo Government. See p. 62, “Foreign Relations of United States,” 1885.) 

“ When the Berlin conference opened * * * the international association * * * 
had been recognized by three powers. During the two months that intervened 
before the promulgation of the general act the very important negotiations were to 
be perfected by which the association was to be recognized by all the powers.”— 
(Doctor Reeves in J. H. Studies.) 






46 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


themselves definitely to the framing of rules and measures of admin¬ 
istration to be applied in a certain defined territoiy (46). 

The recognition given the international association at the close of 
the sessions of the Berlin conference, in receiving its adherence to theN 
action of that conference, was given definitely on the ground of recog¬ 
nition of the.association by the individual powers (47). 

Whatever right belongs to any power to inquire into more funda¬ 
mental issues connected with the status and rule of the King, or to 
express interest in the discharge of its just responsibilities by the State, 
belongs to the United States (rovernment. 

The right and legal standing involved in acceptance of a relation of 
concern and guardianship toward the people dwelling in the territory 
occupied by the Kongo State appear clearly to belong to the United 
States Government. 

This relation, though declined by the United States at Berlin (48) 
because of unwillingness to assume in full the obligations which rati¬ 
fication of the Berlin act was thought to involve (49), would appear to 
have been accepted at Brussels. 

The failure of our Government to ratifv the action of Berlin was not 
regarded, either b}" the King or by European powers, as repudiation 
of the central aims of that conference. For the King, when reconven¬ 
ing at Brussels the powers participating in the conference at Berlin 
included the United States Government in the invitation extended, and 

46 “All questions of forms of government and of territorial right or jurisdiction 
were excluded from the consideration of the conference.”—(Mr. Kasson, in North 
American Review, February, 1886.) 

“The members of the conference will have an opportunity of agreeing among them¬ 
selves upon questions connected with the delimitations of the colonial establishments 
of their countries; * * * * but it does not come within the attributes of the assem¬ 
bly to decide upon the validity of previous deeds of possession.”—(From address of 
Prince Bismarck at the opening of the Berlin conference, November 15, 1884.) 

Compare Lord Vivian, at Brussels conference, November 23, 1889: “ A document 

* * * has been distributed * * * by the Portuguese which prejudges ques¬ 
tions of territorial rights. * * * i have to inquire whether it is not a fact that to 
allow such a document * * * would be quite at variance with the well-recog¬ 
nized principle that all such questions are bejmnd the powers of the conference.” 

“ The conference. * * * is not entitled to pronounce on the rights which any 
power may have over this or that territory or on the validity of titles.”—(Baron 
Lambermont, president of Brussels conference, November 23, 1889.) 

47 “The recognition of the association by all the individual powers was followed 
by the recognition of it by the Berlin conference.”—(Doctor Reeves, in “ J. H. 
Studies.”) 

Compare letter from King’s secretary to Prince Bismarck, president of the confer¬ 
ence at Berlin: ‘ ‘ The International Association of the Kongo has successively con¬ 
cluded with the powers represented at the conference of Berlin (with one exception) 
treaties . * * * recognizing its flag. * * * There is every reason to hope that 
negotiations * * * with the remaining power will shortly terminate favorably. 
The conference * * * would, I venture to hope, consider the accession of "a 
power * * * as a further pledge of the fruits its important labors must produce.” 

48^ The President of the United States, while expressing satisfaction with the result 
reached at Berlin (see Supplement, par. 28), did not submit its action for ratification 
by the Senate. 

49 “As the treaty embraced matters with which our Government did not wish to 
deal, it was not presented to the Senate by the President.”—(Committee on Foreign 
Affairs, in report to House, September 22, 1890. Cf. Supplement, par. 39.) 

Compare message of President Cleveland, December, 1885: “Their signatures were 
attached to the general act (of Berlin), thus making the United States appear with¬ 
out reserve or qualification as signatories.” Compare also statement of Mr. Bayard, 
Supplement, par. 29. 



CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


47 


tbe powers gave to our Government cordial welcome to the meeting 
at Brussels and urged earnestly our full participation in its action (50). 

Our nonratitication of the general act of Berlin was not thought by 
our Government to involve denial of concern in the action of the 
Kongo btate and the well-being of its people, for we accepted the invi¬ 
tation extended by the King and participated with the other powers in 
the conference at Brussels. 

The conference at Brussels in its essential purpose was practicallv a 
continuation of the conference at Berlin (51). While dealing* with a 
larg’er territory than the international basin of the Kongo, it gave to 
the interests of that territory a foremost recognition (52), and while 
addressing itself primarily to suppression of slave raiding, it recog¬ 
nized this work as giving specitic expression to its general concern for 
the well-being of the native people (53). 

Like the earlier conference, the conference at Brussels defined 
requirements imposed upon and accepted by the powers administering 
government in the designated territoiw, and received from them an 
engagement to fultill these requirements (54). Its attitude and action 
throughout were those of conceded interest and authority in protection 
of the dependent people living within this territory and in maintenance 
of rights of trade. 

Wliile the representatives of the United States Government at 
Brussels guarded carefully against ain* form of action which might be 
interpreted as ratification of the action at Berlin and acceptance of all 
its implied obligations (55), they united in action, involving accep¬ 
tance of the central aims controlling the earlier conference—care for 
the well-being of the native people and protection for just rights in 
trade (56). 

The United States Government, by formal ratification of the general 
act of Brussels, would appear to have acknowledged participation with 
the other powers in the relation of concern and guardianship respect¬ 
ing these two administrative interests in the Kongo State (57). 


50 For words of president of Brussels conference, see Supplement, pars. 30, 31. 
Compare “With extreme satisfaction,” Supi)lement, par. 38. 

51 See words of Lord Vivian at Brussels, Supplement, pars. 32, 33, cf. 34. 

52 “These territories are almost exclusively situated in the interior, within the 
boundaries of the Kongo State.”—(Kongo representative at Brussels. See also Sup¬ 
plement, par. 35.) 

53 For significant statement at Brussels conference, see Supplement, par. 36. 

54 See act of Brussels, Supplement, par. 42, cf., e. g., language of Article IV: 
“The States exercising sovereign powers or protectorates in Africa may delegate to 
companies provided with charters all or a portion of the engagements which they 
assume. * * * They remain, nevertheless, directly responsible for the engage¬ 
ments which they contract by the present act and guarantee the execution thereof.” 

55 See, e. g.. Supplement, par. 37. 

56 See Supplement, par. 38. Cf. par. 40. 

57 If ratification of this act had any significance it could not have involved less 
than this. Compare in “ Civilization in Kongo Land.” “ Claiming, as at Berlin, to 
speak in the name of Almighty God, the signatories declared themselves to be equally 
animated by the firm intention of putting an end to the crimes and devastations 
engendered by the traffic in African slaves, of protecting effectually the aboriginal 
populations, and of insuring the benefits of peace and civilization.” 

For citations from act of Brussels, see Supplement, par. 41. 

Compare also provisions of treaty of the United States with Kongo State, in Sup¬ 
plement, par. 52, cf^par. 45. 

In relation to the issue as a whole, compare statement and resolution of House 
Committee on Foreign Affairs, cited in Supplement, par. 39. 



48 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


The reservation in the formal ratihcation given by our Government 
to the action at Brussels apparently does not pertain to or affect the 
two points in which concern and oidigation were acknowledged (58). 

That the attitude thus indicated is not inconsistently held by our 
Government is shown in our State papers which, while uniformly 
guarding against acceptance of obligation to enforce neutrality or to 
sustain the territorial claims of other powers in the Kongo Valley, have 
with marked uniformit}^ affirmed an interest on the part of the United 
States respecting the well-being of the native people of the Kongo 
basin and protection of our rights in trade (59). 

The current reports concerning conditions in the Kongo State imply 
dislo^^altv on the part of its government to the central aims and the 
definite declarations of the conference at Brussels as truly as they 
involve disloyalty to the conference at Berlin (60). 

Having, with the full consent and in accordance with the strongly 
expressed desire of the Kongo vState and of European powers, entered 
into formal participation in a relation of concern and guardianship 
toward the people of the Kongo territory, our Government is plainly 
entitled, and may reasonably regard itself as under honorable engage¬ 
ment, to inquire as to the king’s fidelity to the trust committed to him. 

Action by our Government at the present juncture will not involve 
concession of obligation in enforcement of neutralitv as between Euro- 
pean powers in the territory of the Kongo. It will imply only interest 
in the well-being of the native people and concern for the protection 
of rights of trade, and may appropriately be based upon either or both 
of these grounds (61). 


58 “ That the United States of America, having no possessions or protectorates in 
Africa, hereby disclaims any intention in ratifying the treaty to indicate any interest 
whatsoever in the possessions or protectorates established or claimed on that conti¬ 
nent by the other powers, or in approval of the wisdom, expediency, or lawfulness 
thereof, and does not join in any expressions of the general act which might be con¬ 
strued as such declaration or acknowledgment.”—(Protocol introduced by United 
States in act of Brussels.) 

For statement of cause of delay in ratification of the act of Brussels and for inter¬ 
pretation of the reservation made in the foregoing protocol, see in Appleton’s 
Annual, 1893, cited in Supplement, par. 43. 

59 See citations from State papers, Supplement, par. 44. 

60 See specification of obligations in act of Brussels, Supplement, par. 42. 

Compare E. J. Glave, in Century Magazine, vol. 54, p. 709: “Everywhere I hear 

the same news of the doings of the Kongo Free State—rubber and murder—slavery 
in its worst form.” See also Supifiement, par. 46. Cf. Supplement, par. 61. 

Compare “Leopold’s Kule in Africa,” pp. 247-251, for forms of slavery and slave¬ 
raiding perpetrated and developed by the rule of the King. 

61 “We attach the highest value to the cooperation of the United States in our 
work. We know that their traditional policy is to stand aloof from the treaties and 
political arrangements of European nations, but the work which we are carrying on 
is purely humanitarian; it has no connection with politics; its only object is the 
extinction of the slave trade and the improvement of the negro’s lot, an object for 
which the United States have so often poured out blood and treasure. For these 
reasons we hope and trust that they will consent to associate themselves with our 
work.”—(Remarks of Lord Vivian, Brussels conference. Compare letter of Mr. 
Frelinghuysen, Supi)lement, par. 47. Compare also par. 48.) 

For significant recognition at Brussels of commercial interests as belonging also to 
governments without territorial possessions in the Kongo basin. See Supplement, 
par. 49. 




CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


49 


It is noteworthy that our government has been addressed recently 
a sister State in proposals looking toward an international inquiry 
concerning the Kongo administration (62). 

Recognition h}" the King and the European powers of the appro¬ 
priateness of favorable response to these overtures is involved in their 
action respecting our participation in the conference of Brussels. 
(Cf. Supplement, pars. 30, 31, 38.) 

It ma}" be noted also that our government is party to a treaty pledg¬ 
ing to it unrestricted freedom in trade in the Kongo territor}^ (63) and 
providing for arbitration in case difference of view shall arise respect¬ 
ing the maintenance, application, or interpretation of any provision 
of the engagement (64). 

In view of these several forms of relations sustained b}- our Govern¬ 
ment to the issue, it would seem impossible to believe that we are 
without power of action with respect to it. 

Whatever we may most wisely do, recognition of our influence in 
securing to the Kongo State its international standing (65), our engage¬ 
ment to seek to promote the well being of the native population, con¬ 
siderations of' humanity (66), and regard for the commercial interests 
and rights of our people (67) will constrain us to do. 

The memorial presented to Congress does not attempt to prescribe 
the form of action to be taken by that body. It asks onl^" that our 
Government, by such action as it shall deem most fitting, shall pro¬ 
mote an inquiry from without into conditions in the Kongo State. 

Signed on behalf of the conference. 

Thomas S. Barbour, Chairman. 

W. M. Morrison, Secretary. 


62 See action in House of Commons, Supplement, par. 50. Cf. par. 51. 

63 Treaty of United States and Kongo State. Article I: There shall be full, entire, 
and reciprocal liberty of commerce, establishment, and navigation between the citi¬ 
zens and inhabitants of the two contracting parties. 

The citizens and inhabitants of the United States of America in the Independent 
State of the Kongo and those of the Independent State of the Kongo in the United 
States of America shall have reciprocally the right, on conforming to the laws of the 
country, to enter, travel, and reside in all parts of their respective territories; to 
carry on business there. * * * They can freely exercise their industry or their 
business, as well wholesale as retail, in the whole extent of the territories. 

For assurance of all rights of the signatories at Berlin, see Supplement, par. 53. 

64 “In case a difference should arise between the two high contracting parties as 
as to the validity, interpretation, application, or enforcement of any of the pro¬ 
visions contained in the present treaty, and it could not be arranged amicably by 
diplomatic correspondence between the two governments, these last agree to submit 
to the judgment of an arbitration tribunal, the decision of which they bind them¬ 
selves to respect and execute loyally.”—(Treaty of United States with Kongo State, 
Article XIII. 

65 If unwittingly we have lent a powerful influence for the creation of a govern¬ 
ment, by which an innocent people are subjected to inhuman wrongs, our responsi¬ 
bility for effort for correction of these is apparent. 

66 Compare introductory words of Baron Lambermont, Belgian representative 
and president of Brussels conference, at opening session, November, 1889: “The 
(slave) trade annually sacrifices from 300,000 to 400,000 human beings. Feelings of 
humanity and pity are naturally aroused when we deliberate with our feet in blood.” 

67 The two issues can not be separated. A just policy toward the world’s trade 
will bring to the native contact with the world and relief from the system by which 
he is enslaved. 


% 


S. Doc. 102, 58-3-4 




50 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


I 


Supplementary Refekencils. 

Profession of Philanthropic Purpose Continued at Brussels Con¬ 
ference (cited p. 6, ref. 3): 

1. The idea of liberating and civilizing the tribes of Central Africa b}^ which the 

founder (of the Kongo State) was inspired * * ^ is now in a fair way to be 

realized.—(Remarks of Baron Lambermont, Belgian representative and president of 
Brussels conference, session of June 28, 1890.) 

2. You know how many lives are daily sacrificed in Africa by the slave trade. 
Our conscience will not allow us to let such crimes go unpunished even for a time.— 
(Mr. Van Maldeghen, Kongo representative at Brussels, June 16, 1890.) 

Inadequacy of Investigations Controlled bv the King (cited p. 11, 
ref. 21): 

3. We do not pretend to be able to determine that the charges are all true, or that 
they are all untrue, but we are clearly persuaded that they are presented in such 
form and from such sources as to make them worthy of careful investigation. This 
fact, indeed, is recognized by the King of Belgium himself in the appointment of a 
special commission as long ago as last July to conduct the investigation. But it is 
ridiculous to regard this commission as impartial. It is made up from the very 
men who are or ought to be investigated. Moreover, its scope of inquiry is limited, 
and its methods necessarily are such as to deprive it of general confidence. Its crea¬ 
tion by the King of Belgium is at once a confession of the need of a thorough inquiry 
and an effort to prevent it.—(Editorial, New York Times, Oct. 1, 1904.) 

Relation of Kongo State to Powers Participating in the Conferences 
(cited p. 12, ref. 22-21): 

4. The representatives of the Kongo State maintained tha tArticle IV of the act of 
Berlin imposes only one limitation “to the powers that by virtue of our sovereign 
rights qualify us to establish in our territories such taxes as we see fit.—(From report 
of conference of Brussels.) 

5. All the powers exercising rights of influence in the aforesaid territories bind 
themselves to watch over the preservation of the native tribes, which in the pres¬ 
ent state of affairs are scarcely of themselves able to defend their own interests, 
and to care for the improvement of the conditions of their moral and material well¬ 
being. * * * The local powers will be held responsible.—(From protocol of act 
of Berlin.) 

6. At the Berlin conference in 1885 the powers took mutual engagements to watch 
over the preservation of the native population of Africa and the improvement of 
their moral and material conditions of life.—(Lord Vivian, Brussels conference. 
Mar. 14, 1890.) 

7. The signatory powers * * * reserve the right of introducing into the present 
general act, hereafter and by common consent, such modifications or improvements 
as experience may prove to be useful.— (Act of Brussels, art. 97.) 

Status of Kongo State Defined (cited, p. 12, ref. 24): 

8. A Belgian jurist, M. G. Rolin-Jacquemyns, defines the status of the associa¬ 
tion at the end of the Berlin Conference as follows: “It is an international colony, 
sui generis, the generous promoter of which has been invested by the recognition and 
confidence of all the civilized States'with the power and mission of governing, in the 
interest of civilization and of generous commerce, African territories comprised 
within certain limits which have been conventionally determined.” 

Trade in the Kongo State, Its Importance Recognized (cited, pp. 

13, 14, ref. 25, 26): 

9. More than twenty years ago, before the European occupation of the Kongo 
basin, large commercial houses were established in the territories now belonging to 
the Kongo State. * * * They possessed factories along the whole coast and the 
course of the rivers.—(Representative of the Netherlands, Brussels Conference, June 

14, 1890.) 

10. This Government, in its anxiety to obtain its proper share of the commerce of 
the Kongo, deemed it proper to trust the preliminary work to your keeping.— (Mr. 
Frelinghuysen to Mr. Tisdel, Senate Docs., vol. 8, p. 347, 48th Cong.) 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


51 


11. The attitude of the United States in this question has for many years been 
clear, and in this particular case of the Kongo this Government was among the first 
to proclaim the policy of unrestricted freedom of trade in that vast and productive 
region. This Governmeiit could, consequently, not be expected to countenance * * * 
any result falling short of the broad principle it had enunciated.— (Mr. Frelinghuvsen 
to Mr. Kasson, at Berlin, October 17, 1884.) 

12. In my opinion, the reported wealth of the upper Kongo valley has not been 
exaggerated.—(Report to Navy Department by Lieut. E. A. Taunt, U. S. Navy, after 
six months’ journey on the Kongo River. ) 

Trade in the Kongo State, a Large Development Promised (cited p. 
11, ref. 27, 28): 

18. I was interested the other day in making a curious calculation. * * * Sup¬ 
posing that all the inhabitants of the Congo basin were simply to have one Sunday 
dress each, how many yards of cotton cloth would be required? * * * j have 
said nothing about other cloths. Your own imagination will no doubt carry you to 
immeasurable and incalculable millions.—(Mr. Stanley, address, Chamber of'Com¬ 
merce, Manchester, England, 1884.) 

14. The European merchant will go hand in hand with the dark African trader, 
and justice and law and order shall prevail, and murder and lawlessness and the 
cruel barter of slaves shall forever cease.—(Stanley in “The Congo,” vol, 1' p. 59.) 

The Berlin Conference wished to open up central Africa to trade. Now trade is 
rushing to it in a ceaselessly increasing tide. On every side commercial establish¬ 
ments are being started. * * * Business follows the agents of the different States 
step by step in their forward movements. These commercial establishments w’hose 
number is ever on the increase, which we found established five years ago at the 
mouth of the Kongo, and which to-day spread over more than three hundred leagues 
of the coast, what do they need above all? We do not hestate to answer * * * 
that they must before all things have security.—(M. Van Maldeghen, representative 
of the Kongo State, Brussels Conference, June 2, 1890.) 

Trade in the Kongo State, Freedom Pledged (cited, p. 14, ref. 
29-31): 

16. Especially they shall have the right of buying and selling, of letting and of 
hiring lands and buildings, mines, and forests * * * and of founding houses of 
commerce and of carrying on commerce.—(Treaty of Kongo State with Great Britain.) 

17. The guaranties * * * are of a nature to offer to the industries of all nations 
the conditions most favorable to the development of their security.—(Prince Bismarck 
at close of Berlin Conference.) 

18. The resolutions we are on the point of sanctioning secure to the commerce of 
all nations free access to the center of the African Continent.—(Prince Bismarck, 
remarks at the close of Berlin Conference.) 

19. We secure the abolition of all monopoliesj private or cooperative. This is to 
continue, whatever the present sovereign jurisdiction or the changes of government 
to come.—(Mr. Kasson, North American Review, h’ebruary, 1886.) 

20. Colonies dependent upon foreign powers can hardly find a reason to exist in 
this new central Africa. They are usually established * * * to secure exclusive 
advantages. The moment the position of colony does not involve a monopoly of 
trade that moment it ceases to be valuable as a foreign dependency.—(Mr. Kasson to 
Mr. Frelinghuysen, December, 1884.) 

21. We secure freedom and equal protection for the persons of Americans, whether 

traveling or residents there, for their property and for the pursuit of their professions 
and enterprises of every sort. We gain security for the American missionaries, 
churches, and schools, now or hereafter to be established, and absolute liberty of 
commerce, and freedom of worship. * * * In a word, we gain everything which 

we could gain by owning the country, except the expense of governing it.—(Mr. 
Kasson in North American Review, February, 1886.) 

Recognition of Kongo State by United States Government (cit^d, 
p. 18, ref. 39): 

22. *The aid of recognition of International Association by the United States: “The 
Government of the United States announces its sympathy with and approval of the 
humane and benevolent purposes of the International Association of the Kongo, 
administering, as it does, the interests of the free States there established, and will 
order the officers of the United States * * * to recognize the flag of the Inter- 


52 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


national Association as the flag of a friendly Government.”—(U. S. Senate, Apr. 22, 
1884.) ' . '. . . 

23. Stanley saw neither fortress nor flag of any civilization save that of the United 
States, which he carried along the arterial water course of a region inhabited by a 
people estimated at more than 40,000,000 in number. * * * The first appeal for 
recognition and for moral support was naturally and justly made to the Government 
whose flag was first carried across the region.—(Mr. Kasson in North American 
Review, February, 1886.) 

24. This Government at the outset testified its lively interest in the well-being and 
future progress of the vast region now committed to Your Majesty’s wise care, by 
being the first among the powers to recognize the flag of the International Association 
of the Kongo as that of a friendly State, and now that the progress of events has 
brought with, it the'general recognition of the jurisdiction of the association and 
opened the way for its incorporation as an independent and sovereign State, I have 
great satisfaction in congratulating Your Majesty on being called to the chief magis¬ 
tracy of the newly formed Government.—(President Cleveland to King Leopold, 
September 11, 1885.) 

25. The President continues to hope that the Government of the United States, 
which was the first to recognize the Kongo Free State, will not be one of the last to 
give it the assistance of which it may stand in need.—(Remarks of president of Brus¬ 
sels conference, session May 14, 1890.) 

Influence of United States in Promoting^ Plans of International 
Association (cited, p. 19, ref. 43): 

26. While my name rarely appears in the protocols, where naturally Mr. Kasson 
should have the prominent part, I may say that I have actively and usefully engaged 
outside of the conference in promoting the settlement of differences and conflicting 
claims between France, Portugal, and the association, without which settlement the 
work of the conference would be practically unavailing, as leaving the question of 
territorial limits and serious difficulties open; and in this way I have been able to 
accomplish some good, and prepare the way, I hope, for complete arrangements 
which shall define boundaries and possessions, and, that accomplished, secure the 
passage of our proposition of neutrality for this narrower (but only possible) limit 
of the association’s territories.— (Mr. H. S. Sanford to Mr. Frelinghuysen, 1885.) 

27. It is improbable that the Kongo State would ever have reached a recognized 
international standing had it not been for the favor shown it by the United States 
Government; it is evfen'more unlikely that the territory of the State would have had 
its present wide extension if favor had not been shown the association by the United 
States Government. And it is evident that the influence of the United States was in 
large degree controlling in molding the form of administration adopted by the con¬ 
ference at Berlin. 

Allusions by United States Administration to Action at Berlin Con¬ 
ference (cited, p. 22, ref. 48); 

28. It is fortunate that a benighted region, owing all it has of quickening civiliza¬ 
tion to the beneficence and philanthropic spirit of this monarch, should have the 
advantage and security of his benevolent supervision. 

The action taken by this Government last year in being the first to recognize the 
flag of the International Association of the Kongo has been followed by formal 
recognition of the new nationality which succeeds to its sovereign powers.—(Message 
of President Cleveland, December, 1885.) 

29. The United States are thus made to appear as signatory to the general inter¬ 
national treaty imposing on the signatories a common duty in respect of the con¬ 
servation of the territorial integrity and neutrality of distant regions where their 
Government has no established interests or control of any kind. This Government 
does not, however, regard its prior and entire reservation of liberty of action in the 
premises as at all thereby impaired.—(Mr. Bayard to Mr. Tree, Belgian minister. 
Sept. 11, 1885.) 

Participation of United States in Action at Brussels Desired by the 
Powers (cited, p. 22, ref. 50): 

30. It may be hoped that the United States will consent to associate themselves 
with the work of this conference, which is already assuming the position of a great 
historical fact in the annals of our time. Having proved what sacrifices they are 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


53 


capable of making to liberate the negro race upon their own soil, they will desire to 
share in securing protection for them in xlfrica by the general act.—(Remarks of 
president of Brussels conference.) 

31. He (the president of the conference) has since been informed that a different 
form of procedure would be desirable in view of facilitating the accession to the 
treaty of a great Power which from the very beginning of the labors of the confer¬ 
ence has given tokens of its sincere sympathy with the work undertaken and of the 
cooperation which it is disposed to give it, a cooperation which the conference has 
great interest in receiving.—(Records of Brussels Conference.) 

Relation of Brussels Conference to Berlin Conference (cited, p. 
23, ref. 51): 

32. The present conference has the duty of carrying on the humanitarian work in 
Africa the foundations of which were laid by the conference of 1885. That confer¬ 
ence was conscious of its task when it proclaimed that it was the duty of the Powers 
to watch over the preservation of the native races and the improvement of their 
material and moral welfare. The meeting assembled at Brussels, on which has 
devolved the task left still unaccomplished by that of Berlin, has, therefore, without 
the slightest doubt, the right to continue this work by concerting measures which 
may tend to its realization.—(Remarks of Lord Vivian, conference of Brussels.) 

33. The congresses of Vienna and Verona recorded general principles. The con¬ 
ference of Berlin recognized and applied these principles to the territories forming 
the conventional basin of the Kongo. The Powers are thus formally pledged as to 
principles, and the object of the present conference, as it is understood by Her 
Majesty’s Government, is to concert effective measures to be taken in common for 
putting these principles into practice, and to substitute united for individual action 
in the suppression of the slave trade.—(Brussels Conference, introductory remarks by 
Lord Vivian.) 

34. It is now necessary to consider what measures can be adopted against the 
plague in the regions where it still ravages, and thus to give full effect to the obliga¬ 
tions assumed under the general act of Berlin conference.—(Remarks of president of 
Brussels Conference.) 

Prominent Relation of Kong’o State to Action at Brussels (cited, p. 
23, ref. 52): 

35. It will be noticed that Major Wissman twice indicates the Kongo as the prin¬ 
cipal center of the slave trade. By that can be estimated the importance of the mis¬ 
sion of the Kongo State as regards the suppression of the trade.—(President of Brussels 
Conference.) 

The Broad Aim of Brussels Conference (cited, p. 23, ref. 53): 

36. At paragraph 2 on the proposal of M. Bouree, the words “and to improve the 
moral and material conditions of existence of native races,” borrowed from article 6 
of the treaty of Berlin, are added in order to define more completely the object of 
the general act of Brussels.—(Remarks of president of Brussels Conference, session of 
June 21, 1890.) 

United States Representatives at Brussels Careful to Avoid Com¬ 
mittal to Earlier Action at Berlin (cited, p. 23, ref. 55): 

37. From the declarations made we see that the United States will only join on 
three conditions. The tirst is that the general act should make no mention of the 
Berlin act, which they have not ratified.—(Remarks of Lord Vivian, Brussels Confer¬ 
ence, June 20, 1890.) 

Act of Brussels Signed by United States Representatives (cited, p. 
23, ref. 56): 

38. Mr. Terrell informs the conference that he has been authorized by his Gov¬ 
ernment to sign the general act adopted by the conference, as well as a separate act 
to be concluded with the Kongo Free State in the terms indicated in the declarations 

made by His Plxcellency to the assembly.' ^ -n ^ • i 

The president savs that the United States minister s communication will certainly 
be received by the‘conference w’ith extreme satisfaction.—(Records of Brussels con¬ 
ference, June 28, 1890.) 


54 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


Nonratitication of Berlin Act United States not Regarded as For¬ 
bidding Later Cooperation in International Action (cited, p. 22, ref. 
49, and p. 24, ref. 57): 

39. At the Kongo conference held in Berlin, 1885, the following declaration was 
adopted; “According to the principles of the law of nations * * * each power 
engages to employ all the means in its power” * * * [toj- suppression of the 
slave trade]. 

As the treaty which was the result of this conference embraced matters with which 
our Government did not wish to deal, it was not presented to the Senate by the 
President. During the past year there has been held at Brussels a conference to 
which our Government has sent representatives. A treaty, dated July 2, 1890, 
concerning the suppression of the African slave trade, was then agreed upon and 
was signed by the representatives of this Government and the European powers. 
The translation of that treaty is appended to this report. * * * 

Your committee recommended the passage of the following resolution: 

“Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, That 
the President of the United States be requested to enter into such arrangements as 
he may deem suitable or proper with one or more of the maritime powers of Europe 
for the effectual abolition of the African slave trade.”—(Report of Committee on 
Foreign Relations to House of Representatives, Sept. 22, 1890.) 

Interest of United States in Welfare of People of Africa (cited, p. 
23, ref. 56): 

40. In sending a representative to this assembly, the Government of the United 
States has wished to show the great interest and deep sympathy it feels in the great 
work of philanthropy which the conference seeks to realize. Our country must feel 
beyond all others an immense interest in the work of this assembly.—(Remarks of 
Mr. Terrell, Brussels conference, Ist sess., Nov. 19, 1889.) 

The General Act of Brussels (cited, p. 24, ref. 57): 

41. General act between the United States and other powers for the repression 
of the African slave trade and the restrictons of the importation into, and sale in, a 
certain defined zone of the African continent, of firearms, ammunition, and spirit¬ 
uous liquors.— (Signed July 2, 1890; ratification advised by the Senate January 11, 
1892; proclaimed April 2, 189^) 

“In the name of God Almighty, the President of the United States of America, 
His Majesty the German Emperor, etc. 

“ Being equally actuated by the firm intention of putting an end to the crimes and 
devasi^ations engendered by the traffic in African slaves, of eMiciently protecting the 
aboriginal population of Africa, and of securing for that vast continent the benefits of 
peace and civilization; 

“ Wishing to give fresh sanction to the decisions already adopted in the same sense 
and at different times by the powers, to complete the results secured by them, and 
to draw up a body of measures guaranteeing the accomplishment of the Vork which 
is the object of their common solicitude; 

“Have resolved, in pursuance of the invitation addressed to them by the Govern¬ 
ment of His Majesty the King of the Belgians, in agreement with the Government of 
Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India, to convene 
for this purpose a conference at Brussels, and have named as their plenipotentiaries 
-,-, who, being furnished with full powers, have adopted the follow¬ 
ing provisions.” * * * 

Eno-ag’ements Included in Brussels Act (cited, p. 23, ret*. 54): 

42. “Art. II, Section 1. These stations shall havet he following subsidiary duties: 

“ (1) To support, and, if necessary, to serve as a refuge for the native population; 

* * * to initiate them in agricultural labor and in the industrial arts, so as to 
increase their welfare; to raise them to civilization and bring about the extinction of 
barbarous customs. * * * 

“(2) To give aid and protection to commercial enterprises * * * and to pre- 
pai-e the way for the foundation of permanent centers of cultivation and of commer¬ 
cial settlements. 

“Art. V. The contracting powers pledge themselves * * * to enact * * * 
a law rendering applicable, on the one hand, the provisions of the iienal laws con¬ 
cerning grave offenses against person, to those organizing and abetting slave-hunting, 






CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


55 


to those guilty of mutilation of male adults and children, and to all persons taking 
part in the capture of slaves by violence. 

“Art. XYIII. In the possessions of each of the contracting powers the administra¬ 
tion shall have the dutv of protecting the liberated slaves, to repatriate them if 
possible.” 


Nature of Reservation Made by United 
Brussels Act (cited, p. 24, ref. 58): 


States in Ratification of 


43. The United States minister obtained a similar delay, as the United States Sen¬ 
ate had not yet approved the treaty, and on February 2, he presented the ratification 
of the convention and a special treaty of commerce concluded between the Kongo 
State and the United States on July 2, 1890. The American Senate had previously 
withheld its assent to the Kongo act, lest it might involve the United States in the 
position of having to take part in the decision of questions connected with territorial 
arrangements on the African continent. In amending its attitude the United States 
Senate had coupled its ratification with the declaration that the United States intended 
to keep aloof from any participation in a written concert of a political nature regard¬ 
ing Africa, and a memorandum to this effect, which had received the assent of all 
the signatory powers, was made a part of the ratification of the State Department at 
Washington, presented by Mr. Terrell.—(Appleton’s Annual Cyclopedia for 1893.) 


Two Controlling Principles Indicated in State Papers of United 
States.—Noninterference With Territorial Claims of European Pow¬ 
ers—Concern for Welfare of People and Just Principles of Trade in 
Kongo State (cited, p. 24, ref. 59): 


44. See e. g. Message of President Arthur, December, 1884: “I recognized the 
flag * * * avoiding in so doing any prejudgment of conflicting territorial claims. ’ ’ 

Message of President Cleveland, December, 1885: “The indisposition of this Gov¬ 
ernment to share in any disposal by an international Congress of jurisdictional ques¬ 
tions in remote foreign territories. * * * a joint international engagement, 

imposing on the signers the conservation of the territorial integrity of distant regions 
* * * holding that the engagement to share in the obligation of enforcing neu¬ 

trality * * * would be an alliance * * * we are not in a position to assume.” 

Message of President Harrison, December, 1889: “This Government has accepted, 
under proper reserve as to its policy in foreign territories, the invitation to Brussels.” 

Report of Foreign Relations Committee, September 22, 1890: “As the treaty (of 
Berlin) embraced matters with which our Government did not wish to deal.”— 
{Compare with these reservation the affirmation constantly made of interest in the 
native people and in ]:)rotection of trade.) 

President Arthur, December, 1883: “The rich and populous valley is being opened 
to commerce. * * * The United States can not be indifferent to the work nor to 
the interests of their citizens involved in it. It may become advisable for us to 
cooperate with other commercial powers in promoting the rights of trade and resi¬ 
dence in the Kongo Valley.” 

President Harrison, December, 1889: “This Government has accepted the invita¬ 
tion of Belgium * * * for the purpose of devising measures to promote the abo¬ 

lition of the slave trade in Africa. * * * Our interest in the suppression of this 
crime against humanity, * * * .” 

President Harrison, December, 1890: “ The conference at Brussels to devise means 
for suppressing the slave trade in Africa afforded an opportunity for a new expression 
of the interest the American people feel in that great work.” 

President Cleveland, December, 1893: “It being the jfiain duty of this Government 
to aid in suppressing the nefarious traffic (the slave trade in Africa), I recommend 
that an act be passed prohibiting the sale of arms and intoxicants in the regulated 
zone bv our citizens.” 

Report of House Committee on Foreign Relations, September 22, 1890: '‘Resolved, 
That the President of the United States be requested to enter into such relations Js 
he may deem suitable * * * with one or more of the maritime powers of Europe 
for the effectual abolition of the African slave trade.” 


Action of Brussels Conference as to Customs Revenue (cited, p. 24, 
ref. 57): 

45. By a separate act the Independent State of the Kongo was freed from restric¬ 
tions upon a customs revenue. -(Message of President Harrison, Deceml)er, 1890.) 


56 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


Cruelties of Slave Trade Now Surpassed in Kongo State (cited, p. 25^ 
ref. 60): 

46. The fact that remains that in 1903, seventy years after the abolition of the 
slave trade (because it was cruel), there exists in Africa a Kongo State where ruthless 
systematic cruelty toward the blacks is the basis of administration.—(Joseph Conrad, 
quoted in London Morning Post.) ■ 

Avoidance of Entangling Alliances Not Inconsistent with Mainte¬ 
nance of Commercial Rights (cited, p. 25, ref. 61): 

47. An American citizen first traced the Kongo to the sea, and were we to admit 
the validity of a claim to sovereignty over this region based on discovery, the United 
States might well assert certain rights which they have not set up. The policy of 
this country has been consistent in avoiding entangling alliances and in refraining 
from interference in the affairs of other nations. From that policy there is no inten¬ 
tion of departing; at the same time the rights, commercial and political, of our citi¬ 
zens must be protected, and in the valley of the upper Kongo we claim those rights 
to be equal to those of any other nation. In speaking of the upper Kongo 1 do not 
mean to prejudice the political position of its mouth.—(Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. 
Tisdel, commercial agent of the United States.) 

48. It is to our interests to prevent any single flag or adverse combination of flags 
from controlling the avenues to the heart of that continent. As our Government 
seeks no possessions there, our whole practical interest is in the opening to American 
enterprise, upon the freest and equal terms, the present and prospective possessions 
appropriated by other nations, and to keep the Kongo country and its outlets, as far 
as possible, from such apj)ropriation and from every needless burden on commerce.— 
(Mr. Kasson to ]Mr. Frelinghuysen, Berlin, October, 1884.) 

49. It must not be forgotten that there are powers who signed the act of Berlin 
who, without possessing territory in the conventional basin of the Kongo have most 
important commercial interests in those parts, and who, should consequently be able 
to share in the deliberations of the commission [appointed to consider certain techni¬ 
cal issues].—(Lord Vivian, Brussels Conference, session of June 21, 1890.) 

Compare: “ Mr. Terrell asks that the United States Government may be admitted 
to representation on the technical commission in which the interests of American 
commerce are to be discussed.”—(Becords of Brussels Conference, session of June 28, 
1890.) 

Recent Action of British House of Commons (cited, p. 26, ref. 62): 

50. Resolution adopted by House of Commons: “That the government of the 
Kongo State, having at its inception guaranteed to the powers that its native subjects 
should be governed with humanity, and that no trading monopoly or privilege 
should be permittted within its dominions; this House of Commons requests His 
Majesty’s Government to confer with the other powers, signatories of the Berlin gen¬ 
eral act, by virtue of which the Kongo Free State now exists, in order that measures 
should be adopted to abate the evils prevalent in that State.” 

51. I may mention, by the way, in answer to questions asked by several honorable 
members, that, although the United States was not one of the signatories of the Ber¬ 
lin act, in consideration of the active part which that country played in connection 
with the inception of the Kongo State, we did communicate to them Mr. Casement’s 
dispatch as well as to the other powers.—(Earl Percy in the House of Commons, June- 
9, 1904.) 

Treaty of United States and Kongo State—As to Import Duties and 
General Commerce (cited, p. 24, ref. 57; 26, ref. 63): 

52. Art. X. The Republic of the United States of America, recognizing that it is 
just and necessary to facilitate to the Independent State of the Kongo the accom¬ 
plishment of the obligations which it has contracted by virtue of the general act of 
Brussels of July 2, 1890, admits, so far as it is concerned, that import duties may be 
collected upon merchandise imported into the said State. The tariff of these duties 
can not go beyond 10 per cent of the value of the merchandise at the port of import¬ 
ation * * * during the fifteen years to date from July 2, 1890, except for spirits 
which are regmlated by the provision of chapter 6 of the general act of Brussels. 

53. Art. XII. Considering the fact that in Article X of the present treaty the 
United States of America have given their assent to the establishment of import 
duties in the Independent State of the Kongo under certain conditions, * * * it 

. is well understood that the said Independent State of the Kongo assures to the flag,. 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


57 


to the vessels, to the commerce, and to the citizens and inhabitants of the United 
States of America in all parts of the territories of that State all the rights, privileges, 
and immunities concerning import and export duties, * * * and, in a general 
manner, all commercial interests which are or shall be accorded to the signatory 
powers of the act of Berlin or to the most-favored nation. 

Extracts from Debate on Kongo Situation in Belgian Parliament, 
July, 1903. (See full citations from the Annales Parliamentaires in 
‘‘King Leopold’s Rule” in Africa, pp. 299-352.) 

54. The work of civilization, as you call it, is an enormous and continual butch¬ 
ery.—(M. Lorand.) 

55. Think what these soldiers are—cannibals, belonging to other tribes than those 
oyer whom they are set. Think that this force publique is commanded by noncom¬ 
missioned officers intoxicated with self-importance, free, or practically so, from all 
control. How can anyone dare to maintain that such a regime must not fatally, 
inevitably, lead to innumerable atrocities.—(M. Vandervelde") 

56. The practice of cutting off hands * * * is said to be contrary to instruc¬ 
tions; but you are content to say that indulgence must be shown, and that this bad 
habit must be corrected “little by little,” and you plead, moreover, that only the 
hands of fallen enemies are cut off, and that if hands are cut off enemies not quite 
dead, and who, after recovery, have had tlie bad taste to come to the missionaries 
and show them their stumps, it was due to an original mistake in thinking that they 
were dead.— (>I. Lorand.) 

57. “Can you forbid a young soldier, anxious to exhibit proofs of his braver v, bring¬ 
ing back war trophies? ” * * * What 1 contend is, that if the practice of cutting 

off hands still continues, it must not be forgotten that those who practice it are 
blacks, yesterday barbarous, still semibafbarous—and that it is only by degrees that 
the custom can be eradicated.—(M. Woeste.) And it is those very blacks who com¬ 
pose the force publique of the Kongo State.—(M. Vandervelde.) 

58. All the facts we brought forward in this chamber were denied at first most 
energetically; but later, little by little, they were proved by documents and by official 
texts. Now they are admitted, but it is said they are isolated incidents.—(M. 
Lorand.) 

59. M. Woeste tells us that abominable crimes are also committed in Belgium. 
Perhaps the minister of justice will tell us if abominable crimes are often committed 
in Belgium by officials, by agents of^the administration—if we often meet in this 
country with officers, officials, • and magistrates who are torturers, assassins, and 
incendiaries, and who take hostages.—(M. Lorand.) 

60. They (the natives) are not entitled to anything; what is given to them is a 
pure gratuity.—(M. de Smet de Neeyer.) 

You went there with the pretense of saving the natives from the slave trade and 
barbarism—with the pretense of initiating them into the advantages of civilization, 
and you take their forests, you forbid them to hunt and to collect produce, you drive 
them to military service and forced labor. They did not call you to Africa; they 
did not want you; and to-day a Belgian minister says that they were entitled to 
nothing.—(M. Lorand.) 

61. As an exploiting enterprise it may be admitted that the State has been suc¬ 
cessful. The successes secured for the benefit of one person, and that person’s 
immediate entourage have been at the price of the enslavement of millions of men 
handed over to merciless exploitation and to horrors which are the inevitable 
accompaniment of such a system. A domaine prive of the extent of that of the 
Kongo State the world has never known. Never has a private property been created 
of such a vast size—eighty-one times the size of Belgium—worked like a farm, but, 
like one of the tropical farms of the planters of long ago, where free labor does not 
exist, and where the population is organized into vast droves of slaves.—(M. Lorand.) 

62. I am told “ collectivism (in Belgium) is appropriation by the State,” but what 
is “the State” in Belgium? It is the representative of the people. What is “the 
State” in the Kongo? It is the representative of one individuality.—(M. Vah- 
dervelde.) 

63. You tell me that no one draws personal profits. * * * You assert that he 
(the King) personally spends nothing out of the personal revenues which he draws 
from the Kongo. Where is the proof of the statement? Where are the revenue 
and exj)enditure returns?—(M. Vandervelde.) 

64. M. Vandervelde concluded with an eloquent appeal that the Belgian Govern¬ 
ment should approach the Kongo State with a view to a thorough searching inquiry. 

]M. de Favereau expressed surprise that “a member of the Belgian Parliament 
should seek to force us into a breach of the principle (that no government possesses 


58 


CONDITIONS IN THE KONGO STATE. 


the right to interfere in the administration of another State) and ask us to mix our¬ 
selves up in the affairs of a foreign State.” 

65. It is inadvisable that in one part of an oration it should be declared that the 
Kongo State government is a foreign government, of whom we may not ask explan¬ 
ations; and that in another part of the same oration, we should be told that the 
Kongo is so closely identified with Belgium that to criticise the former is to attack 
the latter.—(M. Yandervelde.) 

66. All Belgians should have the patriotism to hold their tongues at the right 
moment.—(M. Huysmans, Belgian minister and member of council of Kongo State.) 

67. In all parliaments men who denounce abuses are true patriots.—(M. Janson.) 

Promise and Performance. 


68. The Kongo nation abounds in produce of various kinds. Thanks to trade, all 
this produce will enter into circulation; the counterpart of its value will return to 
Africa, for which it will prove a source of prosperity. — (Mr. Stanley, representing 
International Association in Manchester, Eng., Oct. 1, 1884.) 

69. The European traders on the Kongo are unanimous in their desire that the 
present condition of things shall not be disturbed by which all can freely enter into 
commercial negotiations with the natives. Full satisfaction to this desire is given by 
the association; absolute freedom of trade is insured with the advantage of a civilized 
power to assist them in case of necessitv.—(Manifesto of International Association, 
1884.) 

70. We traveled through and through the Kongo lands preparing the natives for 
the near advent of a bright and happy future, showing to them the nature of the 
produce that would be marketable when the white man should come, and every¬ 
where accepted as their friends and benefactors.—(Mr. Stanley representing associa¬ 
tion in London, 1884.) 

71. How (;an liberty of commerce remain either for the European or the native 
when the Kongo State has declared that the elements which constitute that com¬ 
merce are its property?—(Leopold’s Rule in Africa, p. 84.) 

72. When 99 per cent of the territory is monopolized and exploited like a farm, 
either by the Kongo State or by companies to which the State has made concessions, 
there can be no longer in practice any freedom of trade, and there can only be in 
practice the enslavement of the unfortunate inhabitants of the territory.—(Leopold’s 
Rule in Africa, p. 328.) 

73. “Individuals,” it asserts, “can trade on the Kongo freely but only ‘in what 
is legitimate,’ the truth being, of course, that the only two articles such individuals 
could by any possibility trade in at all are rubber and ivory, and trade in these 
articles is, of course, illegitimate, because rubber and ivory in the Kongo territories 
are the properties of the State.”—(Leopold’s Rule in Africa, p 85.) 

74. The immediate effect of the policy of monopolization was the elimination of 
trade; the resultant effect was the enslavement of the population.—Leopold’s Rule 
in Africa, p. 76.) 

75. I beg to bring to your notice that from January 1,1899, it is necessary that 4,000 
kilos of India rubber shall be furnished every month. To insure this result, I give 
you carte blanche.—(Written instructions of Commandant Verstraten, district com¬ 
missioner in the Kongo State, to his subordinates.) 

76. In theory the natives have some sort of right to these villages and plantations; 
in practice their village grounds are no more theirs than any of the grounds of that 
vast country, and the produce from their plantations belongs to the State. The 
evidence in Consul Casement’s report is overwhelmingly conclusive on this point.— 
(Leopold’s Rule in Africa, p. 81.) 

77. If you deprive the native of his land and the fruits thereof by virtue of a piece 
of paper signed in Europe, you make him a slave in his own land.—(Leopold’s Rule 
in Africa.) 


A Sample Treaty of Native Chiefs with Comite d’Etudes, afterwards 
the International x4ssociation. 


78. We, the undersigned, chiefs of the district of N’Kamo and of all the districts 
extending from the River Kongo to Leopoldville, have resolved to put ourselves 
under the protection and patronage of the Comite d’Etudes du Haut Kongo, in order 
to i^revent strangers animated by wicked intentions, or ignoi-ant of our customs, 
from embarrassing or endangering the peace, security, and independence which we 
now enjoy.—(See U. S. _Misc. Docs. 59, 48th Cong., 1st sess., p. 50. Quoted by Dr. 
J. S. Reeves in International Beginnings of Kongo State.) 


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